Δευτέρα, 23 Ιουλίου 2018

Ένα φτερωτό τίποτα


Ένα φτερωτό τίποτα
από κει ψηλά που χάνεται
μού΄πε
χωρίς να το θέλει
[όχι ότι δεν τό΄θελε κιόλας]
Δεν έχει αξία καμιά
άλλο στη μαύρη γη 
να τραγουδάς
Έλα μαζί μου, 
έλα..
Του αντιγύρισα έναν χαιρετισμό
Γειά σου και χαρά σου
δεν έχει αξία καμιά
άλλο στην μαύρη γη
να τραγουδάς..


Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

Mikail Aslan - Berteng

Κυριακή, 22 Ιουλίου 2018

Homayoun Shajarian (Che Danestam) همایون شجریان - چه دانستم

Πρόλογος σε μια "ιρανική" πολεμική..

Η πιθανή καταστροφή του Ιράν, είτε δια μέσω ενός τυπικού διαμελισμού είτε δια μέσω ενός δημοκρατικοφανούς ομοσπονδιακού μορφώματος, θα σημάνει μια τεράστια ανθρώπινη καταστροφή και ένα βάθεμα της παγκόσμιας κρίσης της κυριαρχίας που δεν θα αφήνει "περιθώρια" διεξόδου προς εκείνες τις μορφές αυτοοργάνωσης ή δημοκρατικής οργάνωσης της κοινωνίας (υποτίθεται πέραν του καπιταλισμού και του κρατισμού) πάνω στις οποίες μερικοί ανεύθυνα στηρίζουν αυτό το ενδεχόμενο, καταγγέλλοντας "ισαποστάκικα" το θεοκρατικό καθεστώς και την (ιμπεριαλιστική) δύση (ίσως και το Ισραήλ) χωρίς να επιτονίζουν τις ιδιαίτερες ευθύνες τόσο της δύσης όσο και των αντικαθεστωτικών οργανώσεων ή των οργανώσεων των μη περσικών εθνοτικών ομάδων (κυρίως των Κούρδων).
Υπάρχει συνευθύνη των καθεστωτικών και των δυτικών ιμπεριαλιστών (και του Ισραήλ), αλλά στην σημερινή συγκυρία η ευθύνη επιμερίζεται κυρίως στην δύση (και το Ισραήλ).
Το Ιράν δεν είναι Συρία, όχι μόνον με την έννοια ότι είναι (ως καθεστώς) σκληρότερο καρύδι, αλλά κυρίως με την έννοια ότι μια πιθανή αποδόμησή του ως κυριαρχικού κρατικού σχήματος θα σημαίνει μια ακόμα μεγαλύτερη ανθρώπινη και πολιτική καταστροφή από αυτήν που συνέβει στην Συρία.
Τι κάνουν οι δυτικοί ιμπεριαλιστές και το Ισραήλ που με ωθεί να λάβω μια τέτοια θέση;
Ποια είναι τα λάθη των (περισσότερων) αντικαθεστωτικών και των κουρδικών οργανώσεων που με ωθούν να λάβω μια τέτοια θέση;
Απαντήσεις στην επόμενη δημοσίευση.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

Σημείωση για το Ιράν..


Η προσπάθεια των Η.Π.Α (και της δύσης συνολικά) και του Ισραήλ να καταστρέψουν το ιρανικό καθεστώς χωρίς να αποκλείουν επί της ουσίας το ενδεχόμενο να πυροδοτήσουν (παράλληλα) μια διεργασία καταστροφής και διαμελισμού της μεγάλης Ιρανικής πατρίδας, έχει διαπιστωθεί, αναλυθεί, εξηγηθεί, καταγγελθεί, και από το ίδιο το καθεστώς και από τους διάφορους (ετερόκλητους) υποστηρικτές του, είτε είναι "αντιιμπεριαλιστές" αριστεροί είτε ανήκουν στο νέον είδος αριστεροακροδεξιών "αντι(δυτικο)ιμπεριαλιστών" που ξεροσταλιάζουν κάτω από την εικόνα του κυρίου Ρασ-Πούτιν και φαντασιώνονται ότι έχει ήδη δομηθεί το νέο αντιδυτικοϊμπεριαλιστικό μέτωπο ως "άξονας τής αντίστασης".
Αυτό όμως το ίδιο το γεγονός, ότι δηλαδή οι δυτικές ιμπεριαλιστικές δυνάμεις (Η.Π.Α) και το Ισραήλ στοχεύουν με ιδιαίτερα τυχοδιωκτικό και καταστροφικό τρόπο το ίδιο το Ιράν, και όχι μόνον το θεοκρατικό καθεστώς, έχει διαπιστωθεί και αναλυθεί και από αναλυτές και θεωρητικούς που δεν τρέφουν καμία συμπάθεια (άμεση ή έμμεση -αλα κΚε ή Λαε λ.χ) προς αυτό (το καθεστώς). 
Πρώτα από όλα έχει αναλυθεί και καταγγελθεί, αλλά με τον σωστό τόνο που περικλείει: και α) αντιδυτικοϊμπεριαλιστική (και μετριοπαθώς αντισιωνιστική/αντιισραηλινή) αλλά και β) αντικαθεστωτική  πολιτική και ιδεολογική βούληση, καταρχάς από το απομεινάρι του ("σταλινικού") ιρανικού κομμουνιστικού κόμματος Τουντέχ.
Αγνοώ αν υπάρχουν αριστερίστικες ιρανικές οργανώσεις εντός και εκτός Ιράν που να προσπαθούν να ασκήσουν αυτού τού είδους την "διττή κριτική", έχοντας επίγνωση της ιδιαίτερης επικινδυνότητας της κατάστασης.
Αν μπορείτε να με πληροφορήσετε για αυτή την πιθανότητα πληροφορήστε με, αν και μάλλον ως ελληνάκηδες αναλυτές ή αναγνώστες το πιθανότερο είναι ή να τα σπάτε στα "σκυλάδικα" των ιρανόφιλων φιλοκαθεστωτικών αριστεροπατριωτών και ακροδεξιών χεζμπολατρών ή ("αντίθετα") να μαστουρώνετε "ιδεοληπτικά" στα αουτονόμε ή αριστερίστικα (ενίοτε και συριζούλικα) καταγώγια της γενικής και αφηρημένης κριτικής σε όλα τα κράτη και σε όλους τους αφέντες και σε όλα τα έθνη και σε όλα, αγνοώντας βέβαια κάθε άλλη "πολυπλοκότερη" διάσταση των πραγμάτων.


Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

ΠΑΛΙ ΤΟ ΝΕΡΟ: Rivers dry and fields dust, Iranian farmers turn to protest

Πηγή:

Rivers dry and fields dust, Iranian farmers turn to protest - AP News


None
VARZANEH, Iran (AP) — The small group of Iranian farmers gathered around their tractors — long idle, parked at the town entrance next to a canal that once irrigated their fields but has been dry for years — and they protested, pleading for help from the government.
“We are the people,” shouted Mostafa Benvidi. “Help the people. At night they go to bed hungry!” They held signs addressing officials they blame for their dried-up fields. “How long will you eat your bread made with our blood?” one sign read.
Every day, farmers hold their small protest outside Varzaneh. It’s a sign of the anger that has been growing over water shortages caused by a years-long drought but worsened, experts say, by government mismanagement.

 
Stranded paddle boats sit on the parched and emptied-out riverbed of the Zayandeh Roud River in the Iranian city of Isfahan. (AP Photo/Vahid Salemi)

Protests have gotten larger, with bursts of violence, at a time when economic woes in the country from inflation to unemployment have fueled unrest repeatedly over the last year.
In March, Benvidi lost sight in his left eye and has more than 100 pellet shots in his body, suffered during clashes between police and farmers who held a sit-in strike in Varzaneh. Earlier this month, in another part of southern Iran, 11 people were wounded when police broke up a protest in Khorramshahr, where residents complain of brown water coming from their taps.
“Officials just come and promise to deal with the crisis and then just leave,” said the 30-year-old Benvidi.
Iranians take a break under the arches of the 400-year-old Si-o-seh Pol bridge that now spans the dried-up riverbed of the Zayandeh Roud River in the city of Isfahan. (AP Photo/Vahid Salemi)

He and his family of six siblings and their father used to rely on their 3-hectare farm, planting barley, wheat, corn and cotton. But they haven’t been able to farm for years because of lack of water. Now Benvidi is unemployed, and his family lives off the seasonal construction work his brothers get in nearby towns and his sister’s carpet weaving.
Over the past decade, Iran has seen the most prolonged and severe drought in more than 30 years, according to the U.N.’s Food and Agriculture Organization. An estimated 97 percent of the country has faced some level of drought, Iran’s Meteorological Organization says.
Isfahan province, where Varzaneh is located, and neighboring provinces in central Iran have been hit particularly hard.
The Zayandeh Roud river once watered this region, flowing down from the Zagros Mountains, through the city of Isfahan and through a string of farming towns like Varzaneh and its suburbs, home to 30,000 people, some 550 kilometers (340 miles), south of the capital Tehran.
An Iranian man man walks his bicycle under the 400-year-old Si-o-seh Pol bridge, named for its 33 arches, that now spans a dried-up riverbed of the Zayandeh Roud River in Isfahan. (AP Photo/Vahid Salemi)

But it dried up years ago. The fields around Varzaneh are now stretches of desiccated, salt-laced dirt. The cattle are gone. Around 90 percent of the farming activities in the district have faded away, said Reza Khalili, an environmental activist in Varzaneh.
Government policies have worsened the strain caused by drought and growing population, Khalili and other experts say. Authorities are building more factories, sucking up large amounts of water. In July, officials cut ribbon of another phase of a steel mill in Isfahan. Water has also been diverted to other regions.
“The water cycle has been annihilated. All the water of the river has been allocated to industry,” Khalili said.
Tractors parked at the entrance to the town of Varzaneh in Iran’s province of Isfahan where farmers are struggling with an unprecedented drought. (AP Photo/Vahid Salemi)

Outside of Varzaneh once stretched the Gavkhouni wetlands, a swamp fed by Zayandeh Roud. Until a decade ago, it was a home for migrating birds, including flamingos. Now much of the 470-square kilometer (180 square mile) wetlands has shriveled into salty fields that kick up sandstorms blowing over the region. Khalili warned that the dirt contains traces of mercury, lead and cadmium.
Habib Ramazani, a 57-year-old who was at the protest with Benvidi, said he and his family used to get by farming wheat, cotton and beetroot. He hasn’t farmed for years now.
“I am speechless. No official pays attention to our miserable situation,” said Ramazani, a father of five.
The town boasts of sending hundreds of its young men to fight in the long Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s — Ramazani was among the volunteers. A smaller town then, more than 100 of its boys were killed in the fighting, and their posters still adorn the streets.
Now young men emigrate in search of a better life.
“Many of my friends moved to near and far towns to find jobs,” said Ruhollah Sohrabi, a pistachio farmer who now works as construction worker in other cities.
In 2012, farmers in Varzaneh clashed with police and broke a water pipe that transports 50 million cubic meters of water a year from Isfahan to the neighboring province of Yazd.
Similar protests continued from 2016 to now. At one point, the government paid around $250 to each family hit by the crisis, a step criticized as a band-aid rather than a solution.
“More social conflict may be on the way. Officials do not have the necessary expertise to manage water resources,” said Hamid Safavi, a professor of water resources management and environmental engineering at the Isfahan University of Technology.
He said each province decides on its own how to use their water, without looking at the impact on the resources.
The Zayandeh Roud River no longer runs under the 400-year-old Si-o-seh Pol bridge, named for its 33 arches, in the Iranian city of Isfahan where farmers struggle with the aftermath of a 30-year drought. (AP Photo/Vahid Salemi)

Unless policies change, “we are heading from a water crisis to a disaster,” he said. “This is not conjecture. It is a certainty.”
The Zayendeh Roud river once was the pride of Isfahan city, running under its historic bridges, most famously the Si-o-seh Pol, a 400-year-old bridge named for its 33 arches.
Now it is a barren strip of caked dirt through the city center.
Iraj Rostami stood under of the arches in the Si-o-seh Pol on a recent day, singing. He used to come here often with wife and children to admire the scenery. Now he rarely stops there. “It is gradually changing to a place for homeless and addict people,” he said. “It’s sad.”
Farzan Shahsiah, a 49-year-old painter, looked forlornly at the dried river bed.
“I have lost my spirit. People are depressed,” she said. “I hope water and beauty return before my death.”
___
Associated Press cameraman Saeed Sarmadi contributed to this report.

Meet the new generation of Iranian hard-liners / al-monitor

Hard-liners in Iran face the key challenge of a new generation questioning the approach being taken by the old guard. Members of the younger generation, unlike their older peers, are challenging anyone who acts against their expectations, even including when that person happens to be Qasem Soleimani, commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps' Quds Force, the most popular figure in the conservative camp.
Traditional Iranian hard-liners are broadly characterized by their anti-Americanism and opposition to engagement with the West, desire for "revolutionary" foreign relations and opposition to any form of liberalism promoted by Reformists. In short, they have a general intolerance toward cultural and political change.
The new generation, however, espouses the hard-line discourse, yet do not adhere to the Principlist camp of conservatives. They call themselves "innovative revolutionaries," on a mission to lead a renaissance in their camp. They accuse the old guard of being overly cautious and of betraying the spirit of Ayatollah Rouhollah Khomeini, founder of the Islamic Republic. This generation tends to be more uncompromising than their predecessors, viewing their rivals as sworn enemies with whom forming alliances is unthinkable.
In a May interview, Payam Fazlinejad, a young hard-line analyst, said of the new generation, "We are faced with 'innovative revolutionaries' who have distinctly critical thoughts, which are based on the originalist remarks of the Imam [Khomeini] and the [supreme] leader [Ayatollah Ali Khamenei]. [They] think about reforms and renaissance to help the [Islamic] Revolution overcome challenges."
The new generation maintains that the current, older hard-liners have lost their way. Last July, Vahid Jalili, a prominent figure among the new generation, said, "The group who pretentiously calls themselves Principlists and revolutionary have distanced themselves from the basics of the Islamic Revolution in practice, and this distance is increasing every day, and they are [approaching] secularist principles." In line with his observations, Jalili criticized Principlist elements, in particular the Popular Front of Islamic Revolution Forces (JAMNA), the hard-line coalition from the 2017 presidential election. Its candidate, Ebrahim Raisi, lost to the incumbent, the moderate Hassan Rouhani.
The new generation appears to believe that the old guard has in recent years been losing to the Reformists, a view motivating them to maneuver to take control of the camp. On June 30, Yasser Jebraily, a young hard-liner, slammed the old guard's policies, asserting that the camp’s own actions had caused people to point the finger at the Islamic Revolution, instead of Rouhani, for Iran's dire economic situation. From the innovative revolutionary perspective, old guard policies are leading ordinary Iranians to turn their back on the revolution's ideals.
Hossein Ghadiani, a well-known figure among the new generation of hard-liners, took to task the state broadcaster's barring an appearance by the Spanish soccer star Carles Puyol because of his trademark long curly hair. Ghadiani wrote on his Telegram channel in June, "Two days have passed since the cancellation of Carles Puyol's appearance on TV, but there is not a single person on national TV to explain the reason to people. … Are they blind and can't see that this issue has had lots of coverage? … Can you see this, friends? The will of the Islamic Revolution is being harmed by the organizations of the Islamic Republic. … We are being cursed [by people] over the veteran captain of Barcelona." In a separate Telegram post, Ghadiani attacked the state broadcaster for angering people by forbidding the playing of prayers sung by Green Movement supporter Mohammad-Reza Shajarian and for having prohibited the late actor Naser Malek Motee to star in movies. 
The young hard-liners' perspective about the old guard's actions might be accurate, but the way they go about addressing their concerns is generating more unfavorable public opinion. For instance, hard-liners who lost the electoral battle [among users of] Telegram in the 2017 presidential election later moved to ban the app, a move the Rouhani administration opposed, ultimately causing a big blow to their popularity. In a January tweet echoing the new generation's opposition to the old guard's decision, Fazlinejad wrote, "[Blocking] social networks is like telling the people of Tehran to live in another city. #Filtering."
In a tweet demonstrating the young hard-liners' concern over public dismay at the conservatives' main priorities, Seyed Amir Sayyah, a young activist, tweeted in March, “Lacking all consideration, [to hell] with the preacher who [was concerned about] little girl dancers at Milad Tower, but didn’t [care] for the laborers of the subway who haven’t received their salary for 6 months." His target was probably the hard-line cleric Ahmad Alamolhoda, the Mashhad Friday prayer leader and harsh culture critic.
The innovative revolutionaries vehemently oppose any cooperation with the Reformists, whom they consider promoters of liberalism and secularism, considered anathemas to the Islamic Revolution's principles. In this regard, during Rouhani's tenure, the new generation has criticized him for various reasons. They loathe older, pragmatic conservatives, including former Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Velayati and parliament Speaker Ali Larijani, for backing Rouhani in the past two presidential elections. When it comes to the Reformists and Rouhani, the new generation accepts no compromise and has no qualms about challenging those moving closer to their declared enemies.
In a clear jab at Soleimani for an unprecedented letter of support for the president over Rouhani’s implicit threat to close the Strait of Hormuz if Iranian oil exports are cut because of relations with the United States, Amir Hossein Sabeti, a young hard-line activist, tweeted in July, "It’s the duty of every single one of us to praise the good and revolutionary positions of any person — even Rouhani — but the Rouhani we know has no record except [involvement in the Iran-contra affair], the poisoned chalice [referring to Khomeini’s acceptance of UN Security Council Resolution 598, ending the Iran-Iraq War], the Saadabad retreat [referring to the interim nuclear agreement between Iran and Britain, France and Germany in 2003], and constant violation of the leader's red lines on the JCPOA [Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action]. I wish in appreciating a good position taken by a person [Soleimani], we don’t give a wrong impression."
On foreign policy, the new generation strongly opposes any sort of relationship with the West, rather emphasizing strong ties with the East, including Russia. In addition to slamming Rouhani for the nuclear deal with the West, they blame the hard-liner old guard for coming to the terms with the JCPOA. In line with their effort advocating relationships with the East, young hard-liners on social networks and on shows on state TV have been ardently portraying Russia and its president, Vladimir Putin, as new members of the axis of resistance and as being influenced by Iran's revolutionary policies.
In the coming years, the role of the innovative revolutionaries is likely to increase, presenting the new face of the hard-liners as Russophiles who are softer on cultural matters but more strident in political affairs and generally uncompromising.

Rohollah Faghihi is a journalist who has worked for various Iranian media outlets. On Twitter: @FaghihiRohollah

Ιran officials ban Kurdish clothes and language in public places

Ιran officials ban Kurdish clothes and language in public places
Kurdish people are banned from wearing their traditional dress in public.
This was announced on June 11, The Security Council of Oshnavieh, West Azerbaijan Province in northwestern Iran, following a traditional feast in Kurdistan called the Cherry Feast.
The Information Bureau and the Revolutionary Guards threatened that citizens must be stopped from wearing Kurdish clothes at the Cherry Festival, public places, and meetings. After a joint meeting of the Security Council, the Department of Intelligence and the Revolutionary Guard Corps in Oshnavieh, the agencies issued a warning according to which citizens will be faced with a court order if they don’t pay attention to this warning given by the Information Bureau and the IRGC.
The Department of Intelligence and the IRGC have also instructed the Governorate of Oshnavieh to prevent citizens from speaking Kurdish in public places.
The measure aims at suppression of Kurds through suppression of their mother tongue, culture and traditions.
The Cherry Feast is a local traditional celebration of the people of Oshnavieh where they sell their garden products. Men and women of Oshnavieh used to participate in this feast with their folklore and traditional outfits but they were prevented from doing so this year.

ΠΗΓΗ:

Iran officials ban Kurdish clothes and language in public ... - Iran HRM

29 years ago, this great Kurdish Leader was assasinated by the Iranian terrorist regime in Vienna.

Ghassemlou


ANF | Kurdish student 'disappeared' in Iran tortured to death

ΠΗΓΗ:

ANF | Kurdish student 'disappeared' in Iran tortured to death





Kurdish student Meryem Fereci, who was studying in Tehran, was feared to have been taken into custody by the Iranian regime forces since she disappeared 9 days ago.
Prisoners’ Rights Defence Campaign announced that the Tehran police found the tortured and burned body of a woman Saturday evening. 

Following a DNA test, it came out that the corpse was of 33-year-old Kurdish student Meryem Fereci.
Fereci had been taken into custody on the grounds of her participation in protest demonstrations in late 2017 and early 2018.
The Iranian Revolutionary Court had handed out three year prison sentence to Meryem Fereci and had forbidden her to go abroad for two years. Later, this sentence was converted into supervised freedom and the student had to go to the police every day to sign in.

Εθνοτικοί χάρτες του Ιράν



President of the Islamic Republic of Iran Dr. Hassan Rouhani: Intimidation makes us more united; we'll definitely defeat US

ΠΗΓΗ:

Intimidation makes us more united; we'll definitely defeat US - ISNA


Tehran (ISNA) - President of the Islamic Republic of Iran Dr. Hassan Rouhani made explicit remarks against US President Donald Trump at the meeting of the heads of Iranian missions abroad.
He said, "Iran's power is deterrent and we have no fight or war with anybody but the enemies must understand well that war with Iran is the mother of all wars and peace with Iran is the mother of all peace. We have never been intimidated and will respond threat with threat". 
At the meeting that was held on Sunday, Dr. Rouhani added, "Today, speaking with US has no meaning except surrender and end of people's achievements. Mr. Trump! We are the people of dignity and guarantor of security of the waterway of the region throughout the history. 
Don't play with the lion's tail; you will regret it". "Foreign policy is the most important issue after national security," said Rouhani adding, " Foreign policy is the manifestation of national sovereignty". He also said, "Preventing government from interfering in elections is a success in domestic policy and preventing foreign intervention is a success in foreign policy".
"The government is responsible to pave the way for private sector's activity in the country," said the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
He also added, "Diplomats are the ambassadors of our system and the representatives of Iranian history, culture and nation outside of the country," continuing, "Ambassadors are responsible towards each and every one of the citizens".
Dr. Rouhani also went on to say, "The current US administration is fighting the world and its own national interests at the same time".
"It is now clearer than ever that the White House is against international law and the World of Islam and the Palestinian nation," he added, saying, "The current US President is both a threat and an opportunity".
Stating that "Today, it is clearer that the Zionist Regime is primarily aimed at aggression and occupation," the President said, "They are blatantly saying that Palestine is not an Islamic country".
"What we were telling our neighbours and the Arab World about Israel's nature is now proved," said Rouhani, adding, "There is nobody in the world as anti-human-rights as the Zionist Regime".
He continued, "They have been saying that Israel is the model of democracy in the region; today, it was proved that it is the centre of apartheid".
He added, "The Iranian nation stood up to the puppet dictator for its freedom and independence," saying, "There is nobody more interventionist than the Us against Iranian revolution and people".
"Overthrow, disintegration, boycott and weakening are the main US policies against the Islamic Republic of Iran," added Rouhani.
The President also went on to say, "During the Holy Defence years, they mobilised the entire world, except a few countries, against the Iranian nation and they failed to achieve their goals".
He continued, "War grew our army bigger and the revolutionary young soldiers of the IRGC became a new military power".
Stating that "The enemy failed in its conspiracy to break and disintegrate Iran, the third conspiracy was imposing sanctions under the pretext of nuclear activity," he continued, "Whenever Europe was approaching an agreement with us, the White House didn't let them".
He said, "The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) signalled the failure of 12-year plot against Iran's nuclear technology," adding, "What US always does is conspiracy against Iran and the great Iranian nation".
Dr Rouhani also went on to say, "Iran's strategic depth stretches in east to the subcontinent, in the west to the Mediterranean, in the south to the Red Sea, and in the north to the Caucasus".
"The nature of Iranian culture is peace-seeking and helping neighbouring countries against killers," added the President saying, "We rooted out ISIS and saved the peoples of the region and we are proud of ourselves for that".
He continued, "You supplied ISIS killers with weapons and money and now you claim advocacy of human rights?"
"Iran's influence in the region is historical and based on its civilisations," Rouhani said adding, "Our commitment to the region comes from our Islamic and Iranian identity".
He also said, "We defeated terrorists at the expense of our young people's blood," adding: "JCPOA was a unanimous decision made by all pillars of our system".
"The first goal of the Us was to make us violate the nuclear deal," he added, saying, "They incited IAEA but they failed again".
"The third unsuccessful step of the US was to convince Europe by changing the deal," continued the President saying, "Trump tried a lot but in the end he had to exit the deal alone".
Stating that "Iran acted wisely against Trump's inexperience," President Rouhani said, "The United States opposes the whole world against JCPOA".
"The isolated US mustn't be let to gain power again," said the President adding, "We are the land of science and wisdom, and look for good relationship with the world".
He also said, "In the new situation, we are seeking to reform our relations with Saudi Arabia, UAE and Bahrain".
We want the best relations with our neighbours, he continued, adding, "The motto of "Neither the East nor the West" has contradictions with what the East and the West do".
"Our relations with Russia are based on neighbourliness and mutual interests," Dr Rouhani continued.
He said: "Anybody who knows a little politics doesn't say he will stop Iran's oil export," stating: " We have a lot of straits; Hormuz is just one of them".
"Mr Trump! We are the people of dignity and guarantor of security of the waterway of the region throughout the history. 
Don't play with the lion's tail; you will regret it".
He also said: "You declare war against the Iranian nation and at the same time speak of support?," adding: "Know your words and their consequences".
Stating that we have two ways; surrender or resist, the President said: "Today, speaking with US has no meaning except surrender and end of people's achievements".


What lies beneath the historic deal between Kurds and Syrian regime ...

 
Ilham Ehmed, co-president of Syrian Democratic Council. (File photo: AP)
In a new development, Ilham Ehmed the Co-chair of Syrian Democratic Council, the political wing of the Kurdish-led forces backed by the US in Raqqa, confessed finally that negotiations are underway between the Syrian regime and a local council of the town of Tabqa west of Raqqa, which works under the SYC.
In a recent media statement Ehmed said that “Talks are taking place at the local level, between service provider officials in the regime and officials from the local council in the town of Tabqa and its services institutions.”
She pointed out that an “understanding is on the making to bring back staff and experts from the Euphrates Dam to work with the Department of the dam of the civil administration of the town, and to rehabilitate the dam and repair the damages.”
The Euphrates Dam is about 50 km away from Raqqa which is a former stronghold of ISISI and is located on the Euphrates River. It is 4.5 km long and is more than 60 meters high.

Several meetings

Syrian newspaper al-Watan reported that several meetings between delegations from the Syrian Democratic Council run by Kurdish forces and the Syrian government through intermediaries, took place in Damascus and al-Qamishli. The newspaper quoted unnamed sources as saying that there were expectations that Kurdish forces would hand over the city of Raqqa to the government.
According to al-Watan the most important conditions agreed upon between the two parties are “the removal of images of Kurdish militias and their symbols and flags in their areas of control, the joining of Kurdish militia militants into the ranks of the regime’s army, the handing over of the Yaraibiya and Simeleka rivers with northern Iraq, In addition to the delivery of oil and gas fields to the Syrian Ministry of Oil and the General Administration of Rumailan and al-Gibsa.”
In exchange, the Kurdish delegation called for “making the Kurdish language a basic language in the government curriculum, granting the seat of the Syrian Ministry of Oil to a Kurdish figure permanently, and calculating the length of service of their youths among the Kurdish militias from the obligatory military service in the Syrian army.”
Meanwhile, the Syrian government rely heavily on the outcomes of the recent summit between the US and Russian presidents in Helsinki, in order to find an understanding that allows them to return to the areas of East Euphrates, rich in oil and water resources.
Last Update: Friday, 20 July 2018 KSA 18:18 - GMT 15:18

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What lies beneath the historic deal between Kurds and Syrian regime ...