Παρασκευή 17 Ιουνίου 2022

Avaze Mahali, Yare Mehraboon

 

With my poor knowledge of music, however, I can understand the multitude and complexity of the changes and rhythms in this Iranian folk song. Surely, however, I can understand why a stupid left-wing sectarian when he hears the word ''folk'', can not understand that this (Iranian) ''folk'', for example, can not be compared and paralleled with the ''folk'' that haunts him like a ghost and has led him to ideological spells, like those of the idiot-fool-idiots "autonomous Marxists" who grow in Germany like cabbages with which German-Marxist cabbage soups are made.

Pardeye Del, Bikalam

Lore Asil

Avaze Mahali

Bikalam, Pt. 2

I see a left idiot, playing the good kid in the Turkish rapist.

 
Let's look at one aspect of the embarrassing Tsipras-Merkel-Davutoglu agreement in 2015 on the refugee issue.
These 3 bastards, one of whom is also a "leftist", not only decided to close the Greek-northern Macedonia border for the refugees, so that the refugees would not go to central Europe, but they also insisted that they could not (the refugees) to go freely to mainland Greece.
(There was, as part of the agreement, the term for forcing refugees rescued at sea in the eastern Aegean to remain in concentration camps on the islands - until their application for "refugee status" was granted)
But why? 
Because if the refugees could go freely to mainland Greece, then they could go to central Europe through illegal circuits.
No "enlightened" anti-capitalist or anarchist reacted for a long time to this joint decision to close the Greek-northern Macedonian border, but also the reactions about the issue of the creating "internal" borders within Greece -so that refugees do not leave in Central Europe- they were modest.
But let's look at things again, and ask:
Why did the Westerners and the Greek anti-capitalists and anarchists not react with due force to the forced "confinement" of refugees in Greece?
The western "comrades", who if they are comrades I am Nebuchadnezzar, were comfortable not to receive any additional pressure from the far right in their country, and their mother Merkel relieved them of this burden. 
Also, this way they would be able to moralize again at the expense of the "Balkan" nationalists, if such a need arose, since the guilt of these people is deep, so a Balkan racist is useful to reduce these guilt. .
But why did the Greek anti-capitalists and anarchists not react?
The reasons are not as simple as they seem.
1) First of all, they are also governed by the well-known post-colonial oikophobia, so they saw in the refugee confinement an opportunity to break the ethnic definition/determination of the dominant bourgeois nationalism. 
The neo-left ethnic Machiavellianism of the absolute idiot, who thinks in his ideological bigotry that he can play with sudden changes in the ethnic composition of a population. 
This is exactly what the Nazi far right would like, in order to sharpen the ethno-nationalist aspects of the dominant nationalism. 
The ultra-stupid neo-left and the ultra-ultra-stupid far right, but the last would win the ultra-stupidity contest because of their ability to exploit the fear of the indigenous population.
2) In general, anti-capitalism and anarchy have the weakness or even the non-intention to understand that the modern capitalism of the metropolises "plays" with the issue of immigration-refuge a biopolitical-mechanistic game, which has distorted the older (relative) simplicity of the phenomenon. But if the left-anarchists in the capitalist metropolises themselves have the opportunity to become active parts of this game (as far as their Hegelian religion allows), the left-anarchists on the borders of the big capitalist metropolises, on the borders of the west-east, for example, do not have the same capabilities.
The US, the horrible Germany, and other metropolises still have the potential for biopolitical and economic (again) assimilation of the refugee phenomenon, while countries on the border are in strongly reduced such potentialities.
For the German left-wing idiot, for example, this does not matter, since the absolute symmetry of her/his deranged brain plus her/his unlimited readings (only Adorno she/he reading, is enough to lose much of her/his contact with the real world), does not have a direct impact on the process of assimilation of the refugees from their own countries, despite the problems. 
However, the corresponding Balkan or Greek ideological idiot does not have so many possibilities.
Capitalism and the state in which it lives can not do the job so that it can, like a clever fool, peckin the left way the process.
 
Ιωάννης Τζανάκος
 
-----
Look at the picture!
The moment of the shameful agreement (in a football event, same day, maybe).
The cunning Turkish nationalist Davutoglu has hidden the Greek flag under the Turkish one, while the ''wild'' left-wing Greek "internationalist" Tsipras makes sure both flags are visible.
If this is the "left ideological moral superiority", forget me. 
I see a left idiot, playing the good kid in the Turkish rapist.
With such images you do not become an internationalist, but necessarily a defensive nationalist. 
Anyone who has an objection let me know.
 
Μπορεί να είναι εικόνα 3 άτομα

Seneca

 
“Throw me to the wolves and I will return leading the pack.”
 
— Seneca
 
 

The end of a blackmail, or, all pigs have the same face.

The end of a blackmail.
Turkey uses immigrants on the Greek-Turkish border as a weapon, sometimes at their own risk, but Greek society must overcome its fear and accept them now all, in a fraternal way, overcoming the trap of its heterodetermination by the Turkish state trap.
But here I must emphasize something:
The only ones who do not have the right to judge us (apart from the Turkish state, of course) are the "solidarity" westerners (and Greeks) "solidarity" and extreme leftists who did not say ANYTHING about the decision of the hegemonic nation-state-vampire in Europe, Germany, which DECIDED at the critical moment to close the Greek-Northern Macedonian border, and thus to stop the free flow of migrants-refugees to western Europe (some would also stay in Greece), converting my country (especially some islands in the eastern aegean) in a closed-open concentration camp for immigrants-refugees.

 

Comrades from the East. Don't be fooled by the western left-right-centrist racists, liars, ideological swindlers.
To open all the borders, but ALL. Your "solidarity" western and Greek comrades, professionals of "solidarity" and ideological adoption (some of them literally, abducted children and adopted them, semi-legally), go only to the Greek-Turkish border, and there practicising their philanthropic ideological ''solidarity'', but they without saying ANYTHING about the reopening (for all) of the road channel that connects Greece with the Balkans and central Europe.
So, they are playing the game of the European far right, blaming a partly guilty bourgeois country, utilizing the fear of its inhabitants, which, however, they co-created with the concealment of the existence of the (secret in all its terms) agreement Tsipras-Merkel-Davoudoglou, for the closure of the Greek-northern Macedonian border (2015).
I want you all, without fear, but this is nothing if we do not understand the conspiracies of all the western racists, right-wingers and ''benevolent'' left-anarchists.
All pigs have the same face.
 
Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 
 

Kayhan Kalhor - Silent City (Live Concert) | کیهان کلهر - شهر خاموش

Το νεκρό Όνομα..

Αυτοκαθορισμός : Το νεκρό Όνομα..

 Tuesday 23 November 2021

Η αποτυχία αναβίωσης ενός νεκρού κεντρικού Ονόματος μέσω τής πρόσθεσης εμβόλιμων και μη-οργανικά συνυφασμένων με αυτό κατηγοριακών προσδιορισμών, δεν είναι η τελευταία φάση θανάτου του. 

Επακολουθεί για μια στιγμή μια παράκρουση επίκλησης τού Ονόματος αυτού σαν να είχε από «μόνο» του την «δύναμη» να υπάρξει στην αρχική λαμπρότητά του ως πάλι «μόνο», κύριε Μπαντιού και λοιποί.
 
Αν τα κεντρικά Ονόματα και νοήματα είναι κάτι σαν οι εξουσιαστές ενός ιδεολογικού-θεωρητικού συστήματος, οι οποίοι δεν προσφέρουν την ουσιαστική εργασία-διεργασία για να χτιστεί και να συντηρηθεί αυτό το ιδεολογικό-θεωρητικό σύστημα όπως οι εργαζόμενοι του (διαμεσολαβούσες έννοιες κ.λπ), τι πιο λογικό από το να σκεφτούν όσοι είναι «δίκαιοι» την απόδοση τής εξουσίας στις διεργασίες και τούς εργαζόμενους τους;
Ρίχνουν τον βασιλιά και εξουσιαστή «Όνομα-Νόημα» και περιμένουν να υπάρξει επιτέλους μια δημοκρατία χωρίς κανέναν άλλον εξουσιαστή, χωρίς κανένα άλλο ετεροθεμελιωμένο από αυτούς «Όνομα-Νόημα».
Έλα όμως που δεν γίνεται έτσι, και το φάντασμα τού μονάρχη εξουσιαστή είναι σαν να στοιχειώνει τούς εξεγερμένους.
Έλα όμως που κάποια στιγμή επανέρχεται ένα άλλο «Όνομα-Νόημα» που κι αν ακόμα δεν έχει «σημειακή συγγένεια» με το αποκαθηλωμένο επιτελεί την ίδια λειτουργία.
Έλα όμως που κάποια στιγμή επανέρχεται ακόμα και ένα πρόσωπο, αυταρχικό και δεσποτικό, το οποίο δεν κάνει τίποτα άλλο από το να υποστασιοποιεί ξανά αυτή την ίδια λειτουργία.
 
Δεν νομίζω πως ο καλύτερος τρόπος να υπάρχει μια διαδοχή Ονομάτων και φαντασιώσεων, κεντρικών σημασιών και πίστεων, κι ας μην υπάρχει κάποιο ευτυχές «λογικό τέλος» τους, είναι να μεσολαβεί μια εποχή μαζικών εξοντώσεων και καταστροφών-αυτοκαταστροφών.
Δεν το έχουν κατανοήσει μερικοί «εκ γενετής αθώοι» ότι μια «αυτοκριτική» και μια «μετατροπή» δεν αρκεί για να απαλείψει τις ευθύνες και να δικαιολογήσει μια τόσο ακραία βίαιη διαδοχή των οικείων κεντρικών σημασιών τους.
Ακόμα δε χειρότερο είναι να νομίσει κάποιος από αυτούς τούς «εκ γενετής αθώους» ότι θα αρκούσε έτσι απλά μια πλήρης αποποίηση ευθυνών για «λάβαρα» και πρακτικές που οδηγούν μέσω τής πλήρους αφέλειάς τους στο θανατικό χωρίς καν λόγο, η οποία θα μπορούσε να υπάρξει με μια μεταφορά τής ευθύνης αυτής στον εχθρό, πάλι.

Κανένας λογικός άνθρωπος, κανένας άνθρωπος με τσίπα, δεν θα μπορούσε να δεχτεί ότι μπορεί να υπάρξει ένας «άλλος» εθνικοσοσιαλισμός, αφού το βάρος των εγκλημάτων αυτού τού τερατώδους δεν μπορεί να αποκολληθεί από το όνομα του, ούτε το όνομα του μπορεί να αποκολληθεί από το βάρος των εγκλημάτων που έγιναν υπό την σκέπη του.
Όμως, υπάρχουν πολλοί ακόμα στον άγιο οικείο χώρο μας (κομμουνισμός) που δεν τους έχει περάσει καν από το μυαλό η ιδέα ότι κάτι ανάλογο αν και ηπιότερο (είναι δόξα αυτό το «ηπιότερο»;) συμβαίνει και σε μας, ή σε αυτούς (αν δεν με δέχονται στην πίστη τους) όσο ακόμα υπάρχει προσκόλληση σε ονόματα, σύμβολα, κεντρικούς συμβολισμούς, αλλά και στρατηγικές ιδέες περί ολικής απάρνησης τού πολιτικού στοιχείου τής κοινωνίας.
Η ενοχλητική προσκόλληση σε σύμβολα και λάβαρα που έχουν ακυρωθεί αμετάκλητα, και δεν ξεκολλάνε από την κακή τους χρήση όσα ξόρκια κι αν κάνεις, δεν είναι απλά εμμονή, μαγικοθρησκευτική προσκόλληση, αλλά εντέλει σημαίνει, ως εμμονή, ένα σημάδι ότι δεν έχουν εγκαταλειφθεί κεντρικές στρατηγικές ιδέες και βλέψεις που είναι αυταρχικές.
 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος
 

 

Πέμπτη 16 Ιουνίου 2022

Shah Sanam (Dashti & Chahargah)

On the fantastic tale that “the Ukrainian army killed 14,000 ethnic Russians in Donbas between 2014 and 2022” By Michael Karadjis

 Michael Karadjis

Syrian Revolution Commentary and Analysis

Cataclysmic destruction of Russian-speaking Ukrainian city Mariupol by Russian invasion; Putin claims, ironically, that his invasion aims to “liberate” these people from “genocide”.

We’ve all heard it time and time again. Whether it is an argument in support of Putin’s brutal invasion of Ukraine, or just as often, opposed to it but claiming both sides are equally at fault, we hear that that “the Ukrainian army killed 14,000 ethnic Russians in Donbas between 2014 and 2022.”

Here’s just one example among thousands of examples regurgitated, with never a simple fact-check, all over the left and right media: According to pro-Putin writer Max Parry, “For what the late Edward S. Herman called the ‘cruise missile Left,’ the 14,000 ethnic Russians killed in Donbass by the Ukrainian army since 2014 are ‘unworthy victims,’ as Herman and Noam Chomsky defined the notion in Manufacturing Consent.”

The purpose of this claim is to argue that, while Putin may have over-reacted by going all the way to invading, it was the Ukrainian army most at fault before the invasion. Even if it is admitted that Putin’s invasion is criminal and may have imperialist goals and is only using the plight of the Donbas Russians as an excuse, the claim is that this excuse is genuine.  

Therefore, even many of those who oppose the Russian invasion equally oppose the Ukrainian resistance, and in particular its receipt of arms, because if Ukraine gets the upper hand, it will just continue to do to the “ethnic Russians” what it was previously doing, the same as what Russia is now doing to “the Ukrainians.”

While not quite as colourful as Putin’s claim that Ukraine was committing “genocide” against the ethnic Russians in Donbas, these claims are nevertheless serious and merit clear examination.

…………………………………………………

Let’s look at the claim again:

“The Ukrainian army killed 14,000 ethnic Russians in Donbas between 2014 and 2022.”

Is any of this true?

Yes – the 14,000 figure. Yes, 14,000 lost their lives in the conflict in Donbas between 2014 and 2022. That’s a terrible figure, and of course many times that number have been wounded, the entire region is a dead zone covered by landmines, and some 3.5 million people have fled the region. But what of the rest?

“The Ukrainian army killed.”

Wrong – two sides were involved in the armed conflict – the Ukrainian army, and various irregular Ukrainian militia (often composed of people uprooted from their homes) on one side, and the Russia-backed and armed separatist militia of the two self-proclaimed ‘republics’ in eastern Donbas on the other, backed by Russian troops and mercenaries. Both sides shoot; both sides kill.

“ethnic Russians”

Ethnic Russians are a minority of around 38-39 percent of the population in Donbas, so it is unlikely that all or most killed are “ethnic Russians,” but that is not the point of this part of the assertion. The reason this fiction is inserted is to imply that people were killed “by the Ukrainian army” simply for being ethnic Russians, in a war of targeted ethnic extermination, rather than being victims of the cross-fire between the two sides shooting at each other.

But the other problem with the assertion is the implication that these were 14,000 “ethnic Russian” civilians. In reality, according to the UN Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR), the numbers killed in Donbas from 14 April 2014 to 31 December 2021were:

4,400 Ukrainian troops

6,500 Russia—owned separatist troops

3.404 civilians

So, let’s be clear: we are talking about 3,404 civilians, killed by both sides, over 2014-2022.

However, what about the last part:

“between 2014 and 2022.”

Well, yes, if we make the small change to 2014-2021, then this is correct in the abstract.

But implication here is that there was a continual, ongoing bloody conflict (allegedly all caused by the Ukrainian army incessantly “shelling ethnic Russians”) right up to the Russian invasion. The invasion, in a sense, is simply the continuation of the ongoing bloodshed, at a perhaps slightly higher level.

In reality, almost all the 14,000 deaths, including almost all the 3,404 civilians, were killed when the conflict was raging from 2014 till the ceasefire in mid-2015 – that is, during a time when no-one seriously denies the direct involvement (ie, invasion) by the Russian army. Let’s just look at the OSCE Status Reports from 2016-2022.

The OSCE report Civilian casualties in eastern Ukraine 2016 shows there were 88 fatalities in 2016, including 37 from landmines, unexploded ordinance etc.

The OSCE report on civilian casualties covering 2017 to September 2020 shows 161 fatalities over those almost 4 years, of which the majority (81) were from landmines, unexploded ordinance etc. Note that both sides lay landmines; indeed, the UN has characterised the Donbas as one of the most mine-contaminated areas in the world.

The year by year figures were 87 fatalities in 2017, 43 in 2018, 19 in 2019, and 12 to September 2020.

The OSCE report as of 11 January 2021 reports “The total number of civilian casualties in 2020 stands at 128: 23 fatalities and 105 injuries.”

The OSCE Status Report as of 13 December 2021 reports “since the beginning of 2021, the SMM has confirmed 88 civilian casualties (16 fatalities and 72 injured)” in 2021.

Of these 16 fatalities in 2021, 11 were from the first half of 2021: according to the OSCE Status Report as of 14 June 2021, “Over the past two weeks, the SMM corroborated four civilian casualties, all injuries due to explosive objects. This brings the total number of civilian casualties that occurred since the beginning of 2021 to 37 (11 fatalities and 26 injuries). The majority of the casualties (27) were due to mines, unexploded ordnance and other explosive objects.”

Meanwhile, the OSCE Status Report as of 6 September 2021 reported “a fatality, bringing the total number of confirmed civilian casualties since the beginning of 2021 to 62 (15 fatalities and 47 injuries).” Hence, of the 5 fatalities in the second half of the year, 4 were before September.

From these three 2021 reports, we see a continual decline in fatalities in Donbas: 11 in January-June, 4 in June-September, 1 in September-December.

This trend continued into 2022. The OSCE Status Report as of 7 February 2022 reports “The Mission corroborated reports of a civilian casualty: a 56-year-old man suffering a leg injury as a result of small-arms fire on 29 January 2022 in the western part of non-government-controlled Oleksandrivka, Donetsk region. This is the first civilian casualty corroborated by the Mission in 2022.” In other words, to 7 February 2022, 2 weeks before the Russian invasion, there had been zero fatalities in Donbas.

Therefore, this is the trend in what Putin calls the “genocide” of the ethnic Russians in Donbas, even taking into account that the Russian-owned armed forces shoot and shell as much as do the Ukrainians, and that the majority of deaths were due to landmines and unexploded ordinance, laid by both sides:

2016 – 88 deaths

2017 – 87 deaths

2018 – 43 deaths

2019 – 19 deaths

2020 – 23 deaths

2021 – 16 deaths, including:

– 11 deaths (Jan-June)

– 4 deaths (June-Sep)

– 1 death (Sep-Dec)

2022 – 0 deaths (before Russian invasion).

As we can see, the rate of death has continually declined until it reached zero. The Russian invasion, which resulted in thousands of deaths and untold injuries, destruction and dispossession, was “in response” (allegedly) to the zero deaths in Donbas in 2022.

The total number of civilian fatalities from 2016-2022 was therefore 276, about half due to landmines. Of course any number of deaths is far too many, and neither the Ukrainian side nor the Russia-owned side should be excused for violations and war crimes that resulted in civilian deaths.

But as there were 3,404 civilians killed from 2014 to 2022 before the Russian invasion, that means that 3128 of these (92%) occurred in 2014-15, when no serious observer denies the direct intervention of the Russian armed forces, mercenaries and heavy weapons in the conflict.

…………………………………………………………….

The aim of this is not to let the Ukrainian government and army off the hook. Both the Ukrainian army and the Russian-backed separatist militia have committed war crimes (mostly in 2014-15).

There is also room for criticism of the post-2014 Ukrainian government’s virulent Ukrainian nationalism, as a major factor leading to opposition among parts of the Russian-speaking population in the east; the fact that the Maidan was confronted by an anti-Maidan in the east was in itself an entirely valid expression of democratic protest. What was not valid was the almost immediate militarisation of the anti-Maidan by Russian-backed militia, armed by Russia, involving the direct intervention of Russian armed forces, mercenaries and heavy weaponry, arbitrarily seizing control of parts of eastern Ukraine.

Simon Pirani argues that neither the Maidan nor the anti-Maidan should be stereotyped as reactionary and in fact the “social aspirations” of the two “were very close,” but “it was right-wing militia from Russia, and the Russian army, that militarised the conflict and suppressed the anti-Maidan’s social content.”

It is important to understand that the Donbas is ethnically mixed; according to the 2001 census, ethnic Ukrainians form 58% of the population of Luhansk and 56.9% of Donetsk; the ethnic Russian minority accounts for 39% and 38.2% of the two regions respectively. How ironic that Putin supporters justify the flagrant Russian annexation of Crimea by pointing to the 58% ethnic Russian majority there, when Ukrainians are the same size majority in Donbas! The ethnic Ukrainian population is then evenly divided between primary Ukrainian speakers and Russian speakers, but language does not equal ethnicity, and neither language nor ethnicity equal political opinion. Surveys carried out in 2016 and 2019 by the Centre for East European and International Studies (ZOiS) in Berlin found that in the Russian-controlled parts of Donbas, some 45% of the population were in favour of joining Russia, the majority against. Of the majority against, some 30% supported some kind of autonomy, while a quarter wanted no special status. But in the Ukraine government controlled two-thirds of Donbas, while the same percentage (around 30%) favoured some kind of autonomy within Ukraine, the two-thirds majority favoured just being in Ukraine with no special status (almost none supported joining Russia). 

Hence neither ethnic composition nor opinion shows these are “Russian” regions that favour separation or even necessarily autonomy; they are very mixed in all aspects. The bits that have been seized therefore (the fake ‘republics’) are entirely arbitrary – there was no basis for these seizures in terms of any “act of self-determination;” and since the armed conflict took off after these seizures, neither can they be justified as being in response to some violent wave of government repression of the anti-Maidan.

The foreign-backed militarisation of the anti-Maidan on the one hand polarised views on the edges, while on the other driving away the middle, including a large part of the original anti-Maidan civilian population; and the more the far-right and fascist Russian-backed, or indeed actual Russian, political figures and militia came to dominate these ‘republics’, imposing essentially totalitarian control and massively violating the human rights of the local population, the less this had anything to do with any genuine expression of valid opposition to the Ukrainian government’s policies. Alienation from this reality, combined with the war itself, led to literally half the population fleeing Donbas – 3.3 million of the original population of 6.6 million – either to other parts of Ukraine, or to Russia.  

In this context, it was entirely valid and expected that the Ukrainian armed forces would attempt to regain these regions conquered by separatist militia backed by a foreign power. Of course, one may criticise Ukraine’s reliance on military means to regain these regions, almost inevitable given that its virulent Ukrainian nationalism precluded a more political approach. But to lay most blame on this military response rather than the foreign-backed military aggression it was responding to is hardly logical. Whatever the case, the continual and decisive reduction of fatalities, injuries and ceasefire violations between 2015 and 2022 – from 3128 civilian fatalities in 2014-2015 to 0 in early 2022 – puts the lie to not only Putin’s claim that his bloody invasion, with its countless thousands of deaths, millions uprooted and cataclysmic destruction, was in response to “genocide” of “ethnic Russians,” but also to the more subtle plague on both your houses case that the Ukrainian army was waging a relentless war against “ethnic Russians” in Donbas.

 

Στοιχείο για την παραγωγή.

The structure of distribution, the distribution as an element of the general structure of production (as Marx has shown us), concerns not only the distribution of the products of the production but also the distribution of the means of production (also this has been shown to us by Marx). 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

Τετάρτη 15 Ιουνίου 2022

Chaharmezrab Shekasteh

Ο ρώσικος φασισμός και η νεοσταλινική παραπληροφόρηση.

https://aresistance.noblogs.org/fiktivni-narodni-republiki/?fbclid=IwAR2oUsdwEsm1O2G4x86UTyGHEgSJOEd7gVxrpCK0KUg-sC_giXyOQ7iu2Cw
 
Αdam Clifford

One of the most common myths about the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is that in 2014 a full-scale civil war broke out in eastern Ukraine, in the Donbass region. People who do not have access to Russian-language media have probably fallen victim to far-right or Stalinist pro-Putin misinformation.
There is a huge amount of data (ie even the heroes of these events themselves claim this) that show that the early stages of the conflict were not provoked by the Donbass residents themselves, but by far-right paramilitary groups composed mainly of Russian citizens.
In essence, in 2014, Russia presented the first stage of the plan:
In the initial stage, it seeks to create semi-autonomous entities ("people's republics") within Ukraine, through which to control the policies of the Ukrainian state.
And when the first stage failed, it moved on to the second, which involved annexing parts of Ukraine.
But let's start over - the war in Donbass was started by a paramilitary group of far-right fighters from Russia, which, led by Igor Strelkov Girkin (former Russian FSB officer), captured the city of Slavyansk in the Donetsk region.
A quick look at their YouTube appearances, available since April 2014, would be enough to establish that they are far-right people. At least a very large number of "separatists" who invaded eastern Ukraine for the first time from Russia can undoubtedly be described as anti-Semites, racists, monarchists, Orthodox fundamentalists, supporters of the restoration of the Russian Empire and even neo-Nazis who carry out their fantasies. with the help of the weapons they receive from Russia, and with the support of the Russian secret services.
According to Alexander Borodai (the first prime minister of the Donetsk People's Republic, whom I will discuss in more detail below), between 30,000 and 50,000 Russian volunteer fighters have passed through the People's Republic's armed forces. Examples of this can be found in the many extreme nationalist, often overtly neo-Nazi, armed groups such as the Russians, the Varyag, the Russian National Unity, and the Imperial Legion, which recruit far-right elements from all over Russia. There are also several interviews and videos of volunteers from Russia, in which they admit that the "people's militias" are composed mainly of Russian citizens. And although the number of "separatist" confessions that have emerged since then has only increased, many leftists still adhere to the "civil war" version.
And what will happen when all these fascist elements begin to occupy territories in Donbass? Among others, Vyacheslav Ponomarev, the self-proclaimed "people's mayor" of Slavyansk (appointed by the "separatists"), openly admits that he ordered pogroms against the Roma on the outskirts of the city. According to human rights activists, non-Orthodox Christians in Slavyansk were expelled, tortured and killed during the occupation. The "secular mayor" also called on Ukrainian-speaking residents of Slavyansk to "report" to the "authorities". All this makes the new "people's" authorities very unpopular with the local population, as evidenced by Girkin's desperate appearance in a video in which he complains that he cannot gather even a thousand people under his command and calls the entire male population of the region cowards.
It is also worth watching the videos from the conquest of Kramatorsk (the closest big city to Slavyansk) by a special unit, apparently composed of Russian civilians. After the occupation of the administrative buildings, several Kramatorsk residents gathered in front of them to find out who the armed men were. Shouts of "disappear" and "Ukraine" were heard from the crowd. When one of the squatters said it was "for Donbass", the residents replied: "Did you ask us? After all, we are Donbass. Who invited you here? ” As Denis Kazanski, a journalist from Donetsk, points out, the people in this video are so brave because they still don't believe that these people can shoot them.
The Russian citizen Girkin became the first Minister of Defense of the "People's Republic" of Donetsk and with each of his actions and statements made it clear that he was an Orthodox fundamentalist and monarchist who dreamed of returning Russia to its natural borders. is. within 1939. ". Girkin's goal was the realization of the Hitler-Stalin pact. The alleged "anti-fascist" Girkin spoke positively of the counter-revolutionary White Guard and adored Russia's Nazi collaborators during World War II. It is enough to know Russian and use an Internet search engine to find that Girkin is a war criminal who can boast of a long career: he fought for the Russian "separatists" in Moldova in 1992, participated in the war in Bosnia in 1994 (on the Serbian side) and finally took part in the two Chechen wars.
Girkin's articles from the Second Chechen War, which he wrote for the Russian nationalist magazine Zavtra, show that he harbored gross racial prejudices against Chechens. How many of them killed Girkin is not known; According to Russian human rights activists from the Memorial organization, the then FSB officer was involved in the abduction and murder of at least four people. An idea of ​​his ideas about proper warfare can be found in an article he co-authored with Borodai, in which the two openly gloated over the destruction of a Dagestani village with heavy missiles.
Like Girkin, Alexander Borodai is a citizen of the Russian Federation who did not set foot in Donbass before 2014. But that will not stop him from becoming the first prime minister of the Donetsk People's Republic. And Borodai politically belongs to the Russian far right: he is a monarchist, Orthodox fundamentalist and supporter of the restoration of the tsarist empire. In the 1990s, he was the director of the Russian nationalist newspaper Zavtra, and in 2011 he founded the nationalist Internet channel Den-TV, where he often gave a platform to far-right voices such as anti-Semite Konstantin. Дусенов.
Borodai also has a long "separatist" career. 
In 1992, like many other Russian citizens, he will be among the "separatists" who, with Russian military support, have placed Transnistria under Russian control. Of course, in 1992 the "reason for the invasion" was the protection of the "endangered Russian-speaking" population from "Moldovan fascism". As in the case of Georgia in 2008 or Ukraine in 2014, few moralists have bothered to look for the real reasons, but instead have chosen to believe Russian propaganda nostalgic for the USSR.
When things worsened in August 2014, the two separatist leaders returned to Moscow; The "offices" they left in the "people's republic" were occupied by local puppets. At that time, however, the war was in full swing and Russia had already deployed its tactical units on Ukrainian territory. In their own country, a luxurious life awaited them as a reward for their services. Borodai was even elected a member of the Russian parliament (the Duma) by Putin's United Russia party.
All this does not mean that before 2014 in Donbass everything was perfect, it is obvious that there were problems, but they were social and class in nature, rather than racial (as Putin's propaganda claims). And it is somewhat logical that all this zeal for the integration of the region in Russia comes not from the people, but from paramilitary far-right elements of the Russian Federation itself.
 
 

 

Τρίτη 14 Ιουνίου 2022

Σημείωση για νοσταλγούς.


Ένα κενωμένο από την αρχική σημασία του κεντρικό σημείο τού Λόγου λόγω των αδιέξοδων πραγματώσεων των θεωρητικο-πρακτικών διεργασιών που το στηρίζανε, δεν επανέρχεται σαν με ξόρκια σε μια «καλύτερη» μορφή με την πρόσθεση κατηγοριακών «μοσχευμάτων» ούτε με την πρόταξη κάποιας μυθικής αρχέγονης «ουσίας» του η οποία τάχα δεν εμφανίστηκε ή κι αν δεν εμφανίστηκε δεν «ολοκληρώθηκε».
 
Ιωάννης Τζανάκος
 
 
 

Αυτοκαθορισμός : Οι 8 τομές..

Αυτοκαθορισμός : Οι 8 τομές..:

psychopath pig

 
Imagine Orwell's Animal Farm as a psychiatric institution.
But in this version, the psychopath pig Stalin / Trotsky does not lose to the "humans" but is replaced by the craziest and most dangerous anarchist-stalinist psychopath pig that has a compound name: Deleuze-Βadiou-Zizek-pig.
 
Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

Imagine Life

Let's say it again

Let's say it again to the stupid "Marxists''(?) of metaphysical subtraction and the immoral equal distance between perpetrator and victim.
And without NATO, Russia would have carried out a murderous barbaric invasion of Ukraine.
It is not mainly or only the intra-imperialist and capitalist rivalry that causes this attitude of Russia and any expansionist power, but as in other cases it is the ideological fantasy in itself, as a form of extreme authoritarian will.
But why am I protesting?
Is it possible for the psychopathic "Marxist" (?) to understand the psychic perversion he sees in the chauvinist nationalist?
The political psychopath cannot understand his resemblance to another political psychopath simply because he has an inability from the beginning to understand that he is also a psychopath.
It is unfair for us to ask the "Marxists" (?) mentally ill to know the causes of the psychopathic practice of other psychopaths such as the supranationalists, since the unfortunate "Marxists" (?) psychopaths can not even understand and acknowledge inside in their own existence the similar but not identical psychopathy.
After all, their own purpose is the realization of an extreme authoritarian doctrinaire (and utopian at the same time) fantasy.
---
 
Waiting to understand the specific and general violent content of the fantasies cultivated by authoritarian ideologies ''from one against the other'', will be like asking a psychiatric patient to take over the management of a psychiatric hospital.
The historical (pseudo-) communism that was applied to history and the supranationalism fascism-nazism are not a method of understanding ''each other'', and of course it is impossible to understand something like "reality" following their delusions.
The analyzes between them and the reflections between them are reminiscent of dialogues of psychiatric patients, who sometimes take over hospital management !
--
Can a psychopath understand his psychopathy? But not even a rational subject can self-understand, let alone a psychopathological subject.
But people are mutual-anti-mirrored, so is it possible for madness to understand that it is madness through its reflection in another madness?
I don't think so.
The self-management of madness through the mutual reflection of the crazy members of the psychiatric institution, leads to the management of this institution by the craziest, the craziest of the crazy.
 
 
Ιωάννης Τζανάκος