Η περιπέτεια μιας λέξης: «αναθεωρητισμός». The adventure of one word: "revisionism".

 

Η περιπέτεια μιας λέξης: «αναθεωρητισμός».

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Στα νιάτα μας, στην Ελλάδα, αυτή η λέξη πρωτακούστηκε όταν την χρησιμοποιούσαν οι μαρξιστές-λενινιστές (συνήθως σταλινικοί τού ΚΚΕ) για να χαρακτηρίσουν τα μέλη τού ευρωκομμουνιστικού ΚΚΕ-Εσ.

Μετά από πολλά χρόνια άναψε σε όλο τον κόσμο (εμφανίστηκε στην κοινή θέα) μια υφέρπουσα συζήτηση για τις γενοκτονίες που διέπραξαν οι Ναζί, ειδικά για το ολοκαύτωμα, και για την ιστορική διαφορά και ομοιότητα μεταξύ ναζισμού και (σταλινικού) κομμουνισμού.

Υπήρξε μια σειρά κρυφο-χιτλερικών δυτικών ιστοριογράφων που από την μια σχετικοποιούσαν τις ναζιστικές γενοκτονίες και από την άλλη εξομοίωναν αυτές τις γενοκτονίες με τις σταλινικές μαζικές δολοφονίες και γενοκτονίες.

Έπρατταν θεωρητικά αυτή την εξομοίωση όχι από την πλευρά ενός προοδευτικού ή συντηρητικού φιλελευθερισμού (όπως άλλοι) αλλά εκκινώντας από μια ακροδεξιά οπτική γωνία.

Ονομάστηκαν (κι αυτοί) «αναθεωρητές», ως αναθεωρητές τής κοινής μεταπολεμικής ιστορικής αλήθειας που μέχρι τότε δομούνταν ως κοινή δια-ιδεολογική δυτική διαπίστωση ότι ο Ναζισμός υπήρξε μια ιδεολογία και μια πολιτική πρακτική που υπερέβη (προς τα κακά «άνω») κάθε όριο δολοφονικότητας, απανθρωπιάς και τερατωδίας.

Η στάση αυτών των αναθεωρητών κατακρίθηκε έντονα και με ισχυρά επιχειρήματα, και τέθηκαν στο περιθώριο τής σοβαρής ιστοριογραφίας.

Το μεγάλο σκάνδαλο ξέσπασε όταν ένας δεξιός Γερμανός ιστοριογράφος και στοχαστής, ο Νόλτε, έπραξε μιαν ανάλογη ιστορική εξομοίωση, μεταξύ Ναζισμού και Κομμουνισμού, χωρίς να ξεπέφτει μεν στα προπαγανδιστικά ατοπήματα των φιλο-χιτλερικών αναθεωρητών ιστοριογράφων αλλά πλησιάζοντάς τους με έναν τρόπο που απέδωσε στα θεμελιώδη επιχειρήματά τους μια «στερεότερη» θεμελίωση.

Το κεντρικό απαράδεκτο επιχείρημά του ήταν ότι ο Ναζισμός-Φασισμός ήταν μια ολοκληρωτιστική «απάντηση» στον προϋπάρχοντα ολοκληρωτισμό τού Κομμουνισμού.

Πρέπει να επισημάνουμε σε αυτό το σημείο ότι «παράλληλα» με όλες αυτές τις δεξιές-ακροδεξιές «ζυμώσεις» υπήρχε ένα ευρύ φάσμα αντι-σταλινικών αλλά ακόμα και αντι-κομμουνιστών αριστερών και φιλελεύθερων, οι οποίοι στάθμιζαν (και σταθμίζουν ακόμα) τούς «δύο ολοκληρωτισμούς» (Φασισμός/Ναζισμός-Κομμουνισμός) ως ουσιαστικά όμοιους, αλλά δεν ενοχοποιούν περισσότερο τον Κομμουνισμό, τείνοντας μάλλον στην «παραδοσιακή» μεταπολεμική άποψη ότι ο Φασισμός είναι (ήταν) χειρότερος.

Ωστόσο, το μεταπολεμικό ιστοριογραφικό δια-ιδεολογικό «κοινωνικό συμβόλαιο» απέκτησε τις πρώτες του ρωγμές.

Τι συνέβη επιπλέον που μεγάλωσε το ρήγμα στην μεταπολεμική ιστοριογραφία;

Είδαμε εν συντομία και δια παραδειγμάτων ότι οι πρώτοι που έσπασαν την δημοκρατική αντιφασιστική αφηγηματική σύμβαση στον δυτικό κόσμο ήταν καταρχάς ακροδεξιοί ιστοριογράφοι που κρύβονταν μέσα στο κύριο ρεύμα τής δυτικής μη-φασιστικής δεξιάς, «έπειτα» ήρθε (εμφανίστηκε) η πρόκληση τού Νόλτε.

Η αριστερά ως αντιφασιστική/αντιναζιστική ιδεολογική και πολιτική δύναμη (και δίπλα της ο αναρχισμός με τις δικές του εναλλακτικές αλλά συνεπώς αντιφασιστικές αφηγήσεις) αντεπιτέθηκε, όχι αποκαθιστώντας την κοινή δια-ιδεολογική αντιφασιστική μεταπολεμική αφήγηση, αλλά επιτιθέμενη ΚΑΙ στην «αναθεωρητική κρυφοχιτλερική ακροδεξιά» ΚΑΙ στην «αναθεωρητική δεξιά» τύπου Νόλτε, αλλά ΚΑΙ στον κεντρώο σοσιαλδημοκρατικό και φιλελεύθερο «χώρο» κατηγορώντας τον το τελευταίο ότι βρίσκεται σε ουσιαστική, ως καπιταλιστική, αντι-αριστερή σύμπραξη με την δεξιά ακροδεξιά κ.λπ

Η βρώμικη απαράδεκτη «αναθεωρητική» ιστοριογραφική και εντέλει αφηγηματική επίθεση τής δεξιάς στην αριστερά, απαντήθηκε από την αριστερά με μια σχεδόν εξίσου αλήτικη και λούμπεν αφήγηση, που ενοχοποιούσε συλλήβδην όλους τους αντι-ολοκληρωτιστές αριστερούς και φιλελεύθερους, κατατάσσοντάς τους στον ευρύ όρο τού (ιστοριογραφικού-αφηγηματικού) «αναθεωρητισμού».

Καμία ελπίδα, κανένα φως, ΤΙΠΟΤΑ δεν άλλαξε.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

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The adventure of one word: "revisionism".

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In our youth, in Greece, this word was first heard when it was used by Marxist-Leninists (usually Stalinists of the KKE) to characterize the members of the Euro-communist KKE-Es.

After many years a debate was ignited around the world about the genocides committed by the Nazis, especially the holocaust, and about the historical difference and similarity between Nazism and (Stalinist) Communism.

There has been a series of covert-Hitler Western historians who on the one hand relativized the Nazi genocides and on the other equated these genocides with Stalinist mass murders and genocides.

They theoretically did this simulation not from the side of a progressive or conservative liberalism (like others) but from a far-right perspective.

They were (also) called "revisionists", as revisionists of the common post-war historical truth that until then was structured as a common inter-ideological Western finding that Nazism was an ideology and a political practice that exceeded (to the worse "above") any limit of murder , inhumanity and monstrosity.

The attitude of these revisionists was strongly criticized and with strong arguments, and they were put on the sidelines of the serious historiography.

The big scandal broke out when a right-wing German historian and thinker, Nolte, made a similar historical analogy, between Nazism and Communism, without falling for the propagandistic naiveties of pro-Hitler revisionist historians.

He approached them in a way that gave their fundamental arguments a more "solid" footing.

His central objectionable argument was that Nazism-Fascism was a totalitarian "answer" to the pre-existing totalitarianism of Communism.

We must point out at this point that "parallel" to all these far-right "fermentations" there was a wide range of anti-Stalinist and even anti-communist leftists and liberals, who weighed (and still weigh) the "two totalitarianisms ” (Fascism/Nazism-Communism) as essentially similar, but they do not blame Communism more, leaning rather towards the “traditional” post-war view that Fascism is (was) worse.

However, the postwar historiographical inter-ideological "social contract" developed its first cracks.

What else happened that widened the rift in postwar historiography?

We saw briefly and by way of examples that the first to break the democratic anti-fascist narrative convention in the Western world were first far-right historiographers hiding within the mainstream of the Western non-fascist right, ''then'' came Nolte's challenge.

The left as an anti-fascist/anti-Nazi ideological and political force (and alongside it anarchism with its own alternative but therefore anti-fascist narratives) fought back, not by restoring the common inter-ideological anti-fascist post-war narrative, but by attacking BOTH the "revisionist Hitlerian far-right" AND the "revisionist right" of the Nolte type, but ALSO in the centrist social democratic and liberal "space", accusing them (liberalleftists-socialdemocrats ect) of being in an essential, as capitalist, anti-left partnership with the far-right, etc.

The dirty unacceptable "revisionist" historiographical and ultimately narrative attack of the right on the left, was answered by the left with an almost equally vagrant and lumpen narrative, which implicitly incriminated all anti-totalitarian leftists and liberals, classifying them in the broad term of (historiographic- narrative) "revisionism".

No hope, no light, NOTHING changed.

Ioannis Tzanakos

 

 

 

1) Healthy Political Cynicism, 2) Comparisons and evaluations of political and value similarities and differences // 1) Υγιής Πολιτικός Κυνισμός, 2) Συγκρίσεις και αξιολογήσεις πολιτικών και αξιακών ομοιοτήτων και διαφορών.

1) Healthy Political Cynicism.

 

I don't know if there is politics without "cynicism"*, but I am beginning to believe that when it comes to the analysis of political phenomena and what it has to do with making political judgments, a way of "cynicism" is necessary in order for someone to be able to unmask the extreme moralism and idealism of all of us, so that he can see the real face of our narrowheartedness and our attachment to our material-interests and value choices. 

The purpose of this kind of "cynicism" is not necessarily the sanctification and moral legitimization of this narrowness or finitude of ours, since an unmasking can potentially have many and contradictory developments, if it happens.

 

* We are of course referring to the modern meaning of the term, and not to ancient cynicism.

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Many years ago, I criticized the use of the term ''proxy'' to incriminate alliances of weak political, class and national 'bodies' that are in an objectively weak position in the global balance of power.

There is no weak factor in the world struggle for politico-military existence which is not forced to resort to an alliance with a great politico-military power.

Contrary to what many otherwise "humanist" or "Marxist" people say, I believe that people and movements have dignity, even when they are reactionary.

Everyone has their own agendas, and everyone at some point is looking for support, weapons, money, networks and direct or indirect contacts with a large civil-military force.

Look at what Lenin did using German imperialism during WW1, and look at it from a non-conspiracy point of view, as another manifestation of this aspect of political affairs.

Accepting the presence of this "earthly" dimension of politics and strategic practice, how do we construct analytical and value judgments for the alliances of the Ukrainians, the Kurds, and the Palestinian fighters?

Without moralizing, with accepting a degree of "political cynicism" as an element of political and civil-military practice, which alliances as cynical alliances are justified? and to what extent?

At what point does justified cynicism in geopolitical and political-military issues turn into unjustified destructive dead-end cynicism?

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When you consider "supreme value" as a constituent term of a theory that intends to explain the world, then probably - so I believe - you either want to be deceived by the "literalism" of ideologies or simply to deceive.

Let us consider as an interesting aspect of things the fact that in many cases the "impostor" and the "deceived" may be the same person.

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2) Comparisons and evaluations of political and value similarities and differences.

Azov battalion in Ukraine is politically weak, still, but I don't think Islamic Jihad and Hamas in Gaza are politically weak.
Want comparisons?
I have more others in my pocket.

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If the Ukrainian resistance was led by Banderists and fascists, I would not support it. 

The Ukrainian resistance is led by a bourgeois authoritarian but also a democratic state, which is why I support it (even if there are some strong far-right elements there as well). 

The Palestinian resistance in Gaza is led by the Islamofascist gangs of Hamas and Islamic Jihad who are indeed exploiting their own people - not that Israel is not to blame. 

My heart is cold for the movements in the Arab world, since many years, and I am not alone in this feeling. I just haven't learned to hide my feelings.

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There is a simple reason that I only hope for the democratic labor movement in Iran and partly in Kurdistan, and I have NO hope for the movements in the Arab world. 

I hate religion and there is no going back on that. Islam, Christianity, Judaism and religions in general, if you take them seriously, they turn you into a bastard or a seriously ill person.

I don't want to be related to religion, directly or indirectly. 

Today's Arab world stinks of religion.

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Israel uses the same argument as Russia, since both countries mention the existence of an absolute Evil (fascism-Nazism or Islamofascism) within the peoples that are subject to their attacks. 

To the extent that this fact is valid, the argument is strong, but it is more valid in the case of Gaza, while it was not valid or is valid very little in the case of Ukraine. 

Well, it is wrong to consider an argument as invalid only because it can function as a pretext if it is not based on facts. 

Russia's argument is weak because it is not based on facts, not because it is invalid on its own. 

If what Russia said based on facts was valid, the argument would be correct and the intervention justified, but this was not the case. 

In the case of Israel there is a greater degree of truth in its argument, mixed of course with lies and propaganda.

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Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

 

 

Ukraine, Palestine, Israel, Kurdistan, Yezidi. A personal look. [1-2]

 

Ukraine, Palestine, Israel, Kurdistan, Yezidi.

A personal look. [1]

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In a decisive moment (for my "own" subjectivity) of my humble ideological interventions in the public scene of my country, wanting to provoke as much as possible ideological and political opponents within the Greek left, I wrote a brazenly provocative article on my blog that was immediately republished on a Greek Zionist (center-right) website.

In this article, among other things, I provocatively stated that I consider myself a Zionist.

It is obvious that I could not be a Zionist, unless I had also decided to become a Jew but additionally to added to this new quality of mine the "Zionist" quality. Simply and in a clear provocative way, I was manifesting at that moment a direct pro-Zionist and pro-Israel position.

So what had happened, apart from the fact that I was at that moment expressing a rage stemming from other political and ideological events?

Before we answer this most essential question, let's first solve the first questions that will surely form in the astonished minds of my leftist and other friends. So what had preceded that, "the guy went crazy"?

What events caused my immediate anger?

In short, expressed in points:

1.

No leftist anarchist etc organization in Greece has shown any interest in the ISIS genocide of Yezidis. None, apart from sympathetic articles (''tea and sympathy'').

There was even an anarcho-Stalinist group (yes, this also exists in the country imaginary-descendant of Plato and Aristotle), which declared about the sufferings of the Kurds of northern Iraq "they are reaping the fruits of their pro-Americanism and pro-imperialism". It goes without saying that the Yezidis were also included in this cynical "account", even if they are not exactly Kurds (they are an ethnic group related to the Kurds but with a separate ethnic and religious identity).

I partially understand the hostility towards the Kurdish national/ethnic movement, in all its aspects, in the sense that it is involved in controversial international alliances, but what did the Yezidis do? Why such cruelty and apathy against them, from the "left"? But they also, within the Greek and international movement who show sympathy towards the PKK (including me) why didn't they deal with the Yezidis? Only if you have weapons and flags and heroes, you arouse interest, perhaps for an another "oriental fantasy", if you are unarmed, small, unknown, a pure victim, you do not attract attention. I say this, wich I loved the PKK, since I was a teenager, and I support it as much as I can to this day, even by propaganda.

So why such apathy? Do you really, if you are a victim genocide nation/ethnicity, have to instill absolute fear in order to be respected by wolves, jackals, echidnas and supposedly "friendly" other peoples?

Does this remind you of something?

To me it reminds me of a people who lived for thousands of years without their own Leviathan, suffered genocide until absolute extermination, and came to say at the end "so, I will never again exist without Leviathan, I will never again be subject to mercy of the brother people''

If the Yezidis will developed their own "Zionism", well, yes, I would be a Zionist then, and I would not regret it any more than I have regret for my provocative statements in that once stormy past.

2.

I did not see, perhaps there is, ANY Palestinian leftist or patriotic organization protesting the Yezidi genocide. I only saw some ridiculous attempts by Arabs and Western leftists to "register" ISIS in the forces that serve Zionism or even more as "created" by Zionism and Israel. Mercy friends. This monster is an Islamist and mainly Arab Iraqi-Syrian Sunni creation, with the help of Islamofascist Turkey.

But I will continue, stating in advance that I still defend the right of the Palestinian Arabs to have their own state but perhaps also to return to their homeland, wich was stolen by others.

But other things, I will tell you gradually..

 

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Ukraine, Palestine, Israel, Kurdistan, Yezidi.

A personal look. [2].

 

My brief narrative on the analogy between the Ukrainian and the Israeli-Palestinian (and Kurdish) issue was creatively interrupted by the intervention of Michael Karadjis.

In these rapid situations we are experiencing, it is probably pointless to immerse ourselves in subjective memories and "reconstructions".

However, keeping my promise I will conclude my narrative, squeezing it in a few points, without avoiding the subjective aspects.

1.

There is an issue of the potential transformation of the victim into a perpetrator, sometimes within a short period of time. This "inversion" has of course been "tooled" by conservatism to relativize the victim's "hypostasis" and to exonerate the perpetrator. The conservative-reactionaries say: "You are victims, but very quickly you will turn into perpetrators, so you are not really victims".

This rhetoric of conservatism exists in many patterns which also appear as criticism of "reverse racism" of black people, Muslims, colonized peoples. Personally, I strongly blame both Nietzsche and wider Nietzscheism for philosophically entrenching such a malicious critique of "inversion".

The great, albeit controversial, Orwell is also responsible for this diversion, at the level of the intellect.

However, here too is the difficulty, there is indeed this possibility of "reversal" of the "offender-victim" roles, with a truly tragic historical form and with paradoxical consequences or forms. Look at the Jewish people, or rather, the Jewish peoples (for before the emergence of Jewish nationalism, there was not national but ethno-religious homogeneity among these peoples). From victims of a two-thousand-year persecution, they turned in a short time into perpetrators of a persecutory process of colonization and expulsion of a native Arab people who had nothing to do with the persecution of the Jews. This "reversal" therefore took place, and even without the victim of this former victim ever being an ''structurally'' aggressor against him in the past.

At the same time, the oppressor state that is the "property" of this former victim, and the former victim himself, are not in a world that love the Jews.

Tell me, how will the Arab-Israeli issue, or if you prefer the issue of the "occupation of Palestine" really be resolved, if we do not examine this whole process of "reversal" with a certain moral and moral-political method that works as method of solving the universal problem (of this type) of "inversion"?

2.

In a corresponding and more extensive series of "things", the dilemma of inversion that we have just mentioned, acquires a larger and more complex structural dimension, when we place it on the "map" of all the conflicts and antagonisms that over time govern the class-hierarchical societies but more specifically modern class-hierarchical societies. We want to find a "dipole" and we find a labyrinth of heterodeterminations, inversions, impasses and asymmetrical mutualreflections.

3.

I begin with the axiom, that I see only the shadow of this labyrinthine scheme of human affairs, and declare without fear that I have fallen into all its grave snares.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

Is it a conspiracy theory?

Is it a conspiracy theory if I say that Greece as a state and as a political system has turned into a field of action and confrontation for the Russian and American Israeli and other Western secret services?
Greece is a dependent state and the political forces within it, right left anarchist far-right far-left, operate as conscious or unconscious (stupidly) clients of foreign states, secret services, etc.
May the Great Nonexistent Non-God God Fortuna save us, for such political scum cannot save themselves, nor can they save anyone else.

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Που είναι αυτές οι ωραίες εποχές, με Μαυρίκη και λοιπά. 

Ήταν τότε τόσο εκτεταμένη η παρακολούθηση πολιτών αλλά και τόσο γελοία, ώστε έπεσα και γω θύμα της, όντας «ακροαριστερός» φοιτητής. Μιλάγαμε με έναν φίλο, στο τηλέφωνο, κάπου εκεί στο 1990 (σαν αρχαία εποχή ακούγεται), και η συζήτηση ήταν περίπου στο «έχουν αγριέψει οι δεξιοί..θα μας γ#*(&#)&ν», ώσπου δεν άντεξε ο παρακολουθών και ξεστόμισε το απίστευτο «ναι ρε κομμούνια, θα σας γ&*(*$%^*ε..».

Ωραίες καταστάσεις, μπρουτάλ «φιλελεύθερη δημοκρατία», με τον αγροφύλακα της τον χωροφύλακα της, τον παπά τον δάσκαλο, τον χαφιέ περιπτερά, τον ρουφιάνο ταξιτζή που πήρε την άδεια γιατί ο ίδιος ή ο μπαμπάς του ήταν στα τάγματα ασφαλείας! (όχι όμως ότι όλοι οι πολίτες που ανήκανε σε αυτές τις επαγγελματικές κατηγορίες είχαν αυτές τις..αρετές, δεν γενικεύουμε, υψηλά ποσοστά διαπιστώναμε..).

Τώρα; Σοβάρεψαν τα πράγματα, επισυνδέθηκαν, και ψηφιοποιήθηκαν, με εισαγγελικές εγκρίσεις και άλλα φιλελευθεροδημοκρατικά βαρύγδουπα και ζοφερά.

Και μετά σού λένε, έρχεται ο λαϊκισμός, ο Σύριζας, ο Πούτινας και άλλα. 

Και συ ρωτάς, πως έρχεται ρε παιδιά; από που μπήκε και από που μπαίνει ο ιός αυτός, ο πολύμορφος και ο πανταχού παρών; 

Είδε φως και μπήκε λέω εγώ, και που'σαι ακόμα.

Η Ισλανδία καλά είναι; 

Δεν με φοβίζουν τα ηφαίστεια, η γλώσσα μού φαίνεται λίγο μυστήρια, αν και μιλάνε όλοι αγγλικά, κάνει και δροσιά..

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Gov:

"Cool baby[s], it was a wrong (?) "legitimate inter-link".

We-me-nobody: Tsalikidis.

Who is this;

Hanged from the CIA, specialist in ''interlinks'', an employee of a former Stasi agent and then an agent of the CIA (a big businessman, a descendant of a Stalinist leader and the father of a SYRIZA MEP).

All this was covered up by the then pro-Western pro-NATO but with connections to Russia right-wing Greek government.

Now the current Greek government has no connections with Russia, but only and exclusively with the USA, the West and Israel.

It only makes pro-western favors, to the displeasure of the "leftists" like Syriza.

Result?

An exclusively western-only wiretapping scandal...perfect for reinvigorating the "moderately" anti-western camp.

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Ε μα, να τον παρακολουθούν οι πράκτορες σας, με αίτημα τής Commission; άκουσα (δεν το πιστεύω! αιτείται η επιτροπή τούτη παρακολουθήσεις; Τι λε ρε παιδί μου. Μέχρι αυτή τη βλακεία είπανε στα δίκτυα), αλλά δεξιούμπες μου, να ζητάτε και τα ρέστα; 

Πολύ ευγενικός ο Ανδρουλάκης, όντως. Οι ειρωνείες άστοχες, για το πρόσωπο του, πολύ καλά θα κάνει να δηλητηριάσει την παλιά ΠΑΣΟΚο-δεξιά αντί-ΣΥΡΙΖΑ συμμαχία και να στείλει Λοβέρδο Βενιζέλο στην δεξιά να τελειώνουμε. 

Κι ό,τι είναι να γίνει ας γίνει. Η ΝΔ να αρχίσει να παρακαλά Βελόπουλο, γιατί ΠΑΣΟΚ δεν έχει. Τους τελείωσε. 

Ακόμα και οπαδούς τού ΠΑΣΟΚ, σφόδρα αντι-ΣΥΡΙΖΑιους εξοργισμένους τους είδα σήμερα. Είναι να μην ξυπνήσει μέσα τους το αντι-Δεξιό και τα λέμε τότε ανόητοι.

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Η μοναδική ελπίδα τού Μητσοτάκη για να μην αρχίσει η πτώση του (σε αυτές τις εκλογές που θα έρθουν ή σε επόμενες) είναι ο Τσίπρας, ο ΣΥΡΙΖΑ, η αριστερά οι αναρχικοί, δηλαδή, οι υπερβολές τους. 

Θα μου πείτε, μα δεν είναι εκ των πραγμάτων υπερβολικό και ακραίο το ίδιο το γεγονός τής παρακολούθησης ενός πολιτικού αρχηγού από τις μυστικές υπηρεσίες του κράτους "του"; Είναι ακραίο γεγονός, όντως, χαρακτηριστικό μιας αυταρχικής, εν προκειμένω δεξιάς, κυβέρνησης, αλλά οι τού "κινήματος" είναι ικανοί να μην μπορέσουν να αξιοποιήσουν αυτό το λοκουμάκι, λόγω τής πομπώδους και ενίοτε πρόχειρης ρητορικής τους. 

Εν ολίγοις, με μια τέτοια πάσα ρίχνεις την κυβέρνηση και την εξαναγκάζεις σε εκλογές, τουλάχιστον, ενώ ταυτόχρονα κατορθώνεις να την ψαλιδίσεις στις εκλογές, πάλι τουλάχιστον, γιατί κανονικά και να την ρίξεις πρέπει και να την κάνεις σκόνη στις εκλογές.

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Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

 

 

Η εποχή των «νόμιμων επισυνδέσεων», χάι χούι, σαν να λέμε «φιλελεύθερη δημοκρατία» επισυνδεδεμένη.

 

Που είναι αυτές οι ωραίες εποχές, με Μαυρίκη και λοιπά. Ήταν τότε τόσο εκτεταμένη η παρακολούθηση πολιτών αλλά και τόσο γελοία, ώστε έπεσα και γω θύμα της, όντας «ακροαριστερός» φοιτητής. 

Μιλάγαμε με έναν φίλο, στο τηλέφωνο, κάπου εκεί στο 1990 (σαν αρχαία εποχή ακούγεται), και η συζήτηση ήταν περίπου στο «έχουν αγριέψει οι δεξιοί..θα μας γ#*(&#)&ν», ώσπου δεν άντεξε ο παρακολουθών και ξεστόμισε το απίστευτο «ναι ρε κομμούνια, θα σας γ&*(*$%^*ε..».

Ωραίες καταστάσεις, μπρουτάλ «φιλελεύθερη δημοκρατία», με τον αγροφύλακα της τον χωροφύλακα της, τον παπά τον δάσκαλο, τον χαφιέ περιπτερά, τον ρουφιάνο ταξιτζή που πήρε την άδεια γιατί ο ίδιος ή ο μπαμπάς του ήταν στα τάγματα ασφαλείας! (όχι όμως ότι όλοι οι πολίτες που ανήκανε σε αυτές τις επαγγελματικές κατηγορίες είχαν αυτές τις..αρετές, δεν γενικεύουμε, υψηλά ποσοστά διαπιστώναμε..).

Τώρα; Σοβάρεψαν τα πράγματα, επισυνδέθηκαν, και ψηφιοποιήθηκαν, με εισαγγελικές εγκρίσεις και άλλα φιλελευθεροδημοκρατικά βαρύγδουπα και ζοφερά.

Και μετά σού λένε, έρχεται ο λαϊκισμός, ο Σύριζας, ο Πούτινας και άλλα. 

Και συ ρωτάς, πως έρχεται ρε παιδιά; από που μπήκε και από που μπαίνει ο ιός αυτός, ο πολύμορφος και ο πανταχού παρών; 

Είδε φως και μπήκε λέω εγώ, και που'σαι ακόμα.

Η Ισλανδία καλά είναι; 

Δεν με φοβίζουν τα ηφαίστεια, η γλώσσα μού φαίνεται λίγο μυστήρια, αν και μιλάνε όλοι αγγλικά, κάνει και δροσιά..

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

Πτυχές τού σκανδάλου των τηλεφωνικών υποκλοπών στην Ελλάδα, από την δεξιά κυβέρνηση. -- Aspects of the wiretapping scandal in Greece..

Όπως παραδέχτηκε δια κυβερνητικής δήλωσης ο παραιτηθείς διοικητής των μυστικών υπηρεσιών, η παρακολούθηση τού προέδρου τού (κεντροαριστερού) σοσιαλιστικού κόμματος (ΠΑΣΟΚ) έγινε «νόμιμα», ήτοι με την έγκριση τής εισαγγελίας και με βάση το πρωτόκολλο που ακολουθείται όταν υπάρχουν ζητήματα «εθνικής ασφάλειας» ή εγκληματικές πράξεις κ.λπ.

Ερώτημα, λοιπόν: Ποιες ήταν αυτές οι εικαζόμενες πράξεις τού παρακολουθούμενου; 

Να υποθέσουμε ότι υπάρχει μια διάσταση «κοινού ποινικού δικαίου»; Θεωρώ ότι μια τέτοια πιθανότητα (μάλλον) αποκλείεται, χωρίς να είμαστε απόλυτα σίγουροι για τίποτα. 

Άρα; 

Ποιο είναι το ζήτημα «εθνικής ασφάλειας» το οποίο παρείχε την «νόμιμη» ή «νομιμοφανή» δικαιολόγηση για να υπάρξει παρακολούθηση; 

Επειδή ο πρόεδρος τού σοσιαλιστικού κόμματος έχει συνεπείς αμυντικο-εθνικιστικές πατριωτικές θέσεις στα εθνικά ζητήματα τής Ελλάδας, είναι απίθανο να θεωρήθηκε ως πιθανός «εθνοπροδότης» ή «πράκτορας» τού εθνικού εχθρού (τής Τουρκίας). 

Το αντίθετο, ο Ανδρουλάκης είναι εχθρικός προς τον τουρκικό ιμπεριαλισμό. 

Άρα; 

Είναι οι δεξιοί τής κυβέρνησης τής ΝΔ τόσο χυδαίοι ακροδεξιοί ώστε να ήθελαν να ενοχοποιήσουν τον Ανδρουλάκη ως «προδότη»; 

Δεν πιστεύω ότι έχει συμβεί κάτι τέτοιο, αν και όπως είπα δεν θα εκπλαγώ τόσο πολύ αν κάποια δεξιά κοπρόσκυλα αποκαλυφθούν ως σκεπτόμενα έτσι. Άρα; 

Ακούστηκε ότι υπήρξε «αίτημα» ελέγχου και παρακολούθησης από κάποια «φιλική» ξένη κυβέρνηση ή από τις μυστικές υπηρεσίες αυτής τής ξένης κυβέρνησης.

Ποια ήταν;

Οι ΗΠΑ; ή μήπως το Ισραήλ;

Η δεξιά κυβέρνηση έχει όλα τα «προσόντα» να έχει φερθεί σαν ταπεινός και ποταπός σκλάβος των δυτικών συμμάχων και αφεντικών τού ελληνικού έθνους-κράτους.

Θα έχει ενδιαφέρον λοιπόν, αν ισχύουν τα παραπάνω, να μάθουμε σε ποιό κράτος ή σε ποια κράτη έκαναν την χάρη οι δυτικόδουλοι σκλάβοι τής Ελλάδας, τα δεξιά κοπρόσκυλα, μπερδεύοντας την έννοια τής (αναγκαστικής γεωπολιτικής) συμμαχίας με την κατάσταση τού υποτακτικού και δουλοπρεπούς υπηρέτη.

Επίσης, πρέπει να μάθουμε σε τι ενοχλήθηκε το «φιλικό» κράτος από την δράση τού σοσιαλιστή πολιτικού.

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Aspects of the wiretapping scandal in Greece..

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As the resigned commander of the secret services admitted, the surveillance of the president of the (center-left) socialist party (PASOK) was done "legally", that is, with the approval of the prosecutor's office and based on the protocol followed when there are issues of "national security" or criminal actions etc.

Question, then: 

What were these alleged acts of the person being ''watched''? Suppose there is a "common criminal law" dimension? 

I consider such a possibility (probably) out of the question, without being absolutely sure of anything. Therefore; What is the "national security" issue that provided the "legal" or "ostensible" justification for the surveillance? 

Because the president of the socialist party has consistent defensive-nationalist patriotic positions on the national issues of Greece, it is unlikely that he was considered a possible "national traitor" or "agent" of the national enemy (Turkey). 

On the contrary, Androulakis is hostile to Turkish imperialism. 

Therefore; 

Are the right-wing members of the government so vulgar far-right that they wanted to incriminate Androulakis as a "traitor"?

I don't believe that has happened, although as I said I wouldn't be too surprised if some right-wing scums were thinking that way. Therefore; It was heard that there was a "request" for surveillance and monitoring by some "friendly" foreign government or that foreign government's secret services.

Who was it?

USA; or maybe Israel?

The right-wing government has all the "qualifications" to have behaved like a humble and vile slave of the western allies and bosses of the Greek nation-state.

It will therefore be interesting, if the above is true, to find out which state or states the westernslaves of Greece, the right-wing scums, did a favor to, confusing the concept of (forced geopolitical) alliance with the situation of the submissive and servile servant.

Also, we need to find out, why the "friendly" state was disturbed by the action of the socialist politician.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

A Human.

Every international crisis, even when it concerns small areas (as was the mass extermination of the Yezidis in a small area of ​​Iraq) now functions as an unmasking of moral, ideological, value and ultimately fundamental political deficiencies in all constituted political and political-cultural subjects. Ostensibly independent organizations for the defense of human rights, etc., are not excluded from these negative revelations.

Opposing ideological-political groups, which are always responsible for some other "sins" of the present or the past, "strive" to fill the void that remains. But are they all "guilty"? are they all "the same"? No, by no means. But, those who are not "the same" as evil and the lack of good, no longer fit into any ideological or political institution, even if it is informal or invokes a struggle against all authority and institution.

There are people and collectives, in all forms, to be found (transiently? so whats your problem?) in the place of the betrayed, the abandoned, the forgotten by the institutions, by the ideologies and by the hard-hearted dogmatists, in all forms, because they do not meet the conditions of the political, geopolitical, ideological and other pre-determinations and pre-definitions.

It is a form of misfortune and unfair fate to remain only human. It better not happen to you. No one will help you at all, or as much as you should.

You will then say, I am only human, I am Ukrainian, I am Yezidi, only human, therefore I am unlucky, fate took me, the institutions forgot me, they equated me with the Killer, I have no hope.

But that's all that's left, only that. A Human.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

The pacifism..

The pacifism regarding the Ukrainian issue is a disgrace, in which the far-right and most leftists or anti-capitalists are leading. For the extreme right we expected it, but the left have no excuse. In the way they behave politically they are reminiscent of earlier times in terms of the narrowness and cynical nature of their thought and action, so they remind those of us who followed them that they have not changed even now, after so many blows of history that they have received. It does not matter that there is a minority of leftists who have learned from historical experience. Most remain arrogants who think they have the issue of social and labor freedom in their pocket, as if this were some kind of salary they are entitled to because of some professional engagement with the lowly and oppressed. Unfortunately most anarchists have also developed a similar mindset. The working class, the people, the society, do not belong to any political and ideological owner.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

Γιατί πρέπει να ηττηθεί κατά κράτος η Νέα Καπιταλιστική-Ιμπεριαλιστική Ανατολή. Why the New Capitalist-Imperialist East must be totaly defeated.

What is this element that currently makes the emerging non-Western imperialist world worse than the over-mature Western imperialist world? 

The element of primary accumulation of state and transnational power. 

The primary accumulation of state power never takes place only in a unitary national-state field. 

The primary accumulation of state power always takes place in a wider hierarchical and distinct (never truly global) field, which is not simply an empire but (especially in modern times) a wider imperialist world-dominant system that usually includes at the top of its own sovereign pyramid a multitude of separate imperial metropolises. 

This separate power pyramid is not identical with the wider power pyramid which includes both the dominant world empire (today it is still the West) but also dependent countries that are not organically included in the separate power pyramid of the world empire (there are dependent countries that organically belong to the separate world empire power pyramid). 

The emergence and formation of a cosmo-empire, that is, a supra-national cosmo-empire world-pole, contains and manifests the primary accumulation of state power that we mentioned at the beginning. 

This process is horrible, dangerous for humanity and is being carried out today by the East, without knowing if it will work. 

The process itself as a gruesome process is not enclosed in a wider historical necessity like its first manifestation, so as a repetition it is expected under special conditions (if the left fails) but it is no longer either historically or politically necessary.

 

Ποιο είναι αυτό το στοιχείο που κάνει αυτή την στιγμή τον αναδυόμενο μη δυτικό ιμπεριαλιστικό κόσμο χειρότερο από τον υπερώριμο δυτικό ιμπεριαλιστικό κόσμο; 

Το στοιχείο τής πρωταρχικής συσσώρευσης κρατικής και διακρατικής ισχύος. 

Η πρωταρχική συσσώρευση κρατικής ισχύος δεν συντελείται ποτέ μόνον σε ένα μοναδιαίο εθνικοκρατικό πεδίο. 

Η πρωταρχική συσσώρευση κρατικής ισχύος συντελείται πάντα σε ένα ευρύτερο ιεραρχικό και ξεχωριστό (ποτέ πραγματικά παγκόσμιο) πεδίο, το οποίο αποτελεί όχι απλά μιαν αυτοκρατορία αλλά (ειδικά στην νεώτερη εποχή) έναν ευρύτερο ιμπεριαλιστικό κοσμοκρατορικό σύστημα παγκόσμιας κυριαρχίας που συνήθως περιλαμβάνει στην κορυφή τής δικής του κυριαρχικής πυραμίδας ένα πλήθος ξεχωριστών αυτοκρατορικών μητροπόλεων. 

Αυτή η ξεχωριστή εξουσιαστική πυραμίδα δεν ταυτίζεται με την ευρύτερη εξουσιαστική πυραμίδα που περιλαμβάνει και την κυρίαρχη κοσμοκρατορία (σήμερα είναι ακόμα η Δύση) αλλά και εξαρτημένες χώρες που δεν είναι ενταγμένες οργανικά στην ξεχωριστή εξουσιαστική πυραμίδα τής κοσμοκρατορίας (υπάρχουν εξαρτημένες χώρες που ανήκουν οργανικά στην ξεχωριστή κοσμοκρατορική εξουσιαστική πυραμίδα). 

Η ανάδυση και η συγκρότηση μιας κοσμοκρατορίας, δηλαδή ενός υπερεθνικού κοσμοκρατορικού κόσμου-πόλου περιέχει και εκδηλώνει την πρωταρχική συσσώρευση κρατικής ισχύος που αναφέραμε στην αρχή. 

Αυτή η διεργασία είναι φρικτή, επικίνδυνη για την ανθρωπότητα και σήμερα επιτελείται από την αναδυόμενη ανατολή, χωρίς να ξέρουμε αν θα τελεσφορήσει. 

Η ίδια η διεργασία ως φρικαλέα διεργασία δεν περικλείεται σε μιαν ευρύτερη ιστορική αναγκαιότητα όπως η πρώτη της εκδήλωση, άρα ως επανάληψη είναι μεν αναμενόμενη υπό ειδικές συνθήκες (εφόσον αποτυγχάνει η αριστερά) αλλά δεν είναι πλέον ούτε ιστορικά ούτε πολιτικά αναγκαία.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

Dear comrades / A repetition that is not necessary.

Dear comrades, if you consider me a comrade of course (this question is being played).

We have become entangled in neo-Hegelian post-Hegelian religio-theological entanglements, in the precincts of a non-existent court of History, without even knowing and admitting this fact, and we must now re-remember basic principles of real non-theology and non-belief, to face the real world but also our problem as a problem of disguised superstition.

Is it a bit late?

Or will Nietzsche's controversial contributions, also of the psychoanalysis, art and post-art help us untangle this tangle?

I think that especially these last "reinforcements" probably made things worse: A zealouses secularized religion, the latest radicalism, when it uses and instrumentalizes "dissolving" "destructive" elements, manages to confuse itself worse, succeeds in ceasing to have the simple-simplistic features of religion, remaining however religion, altering even these "dissolving-destructive" elements.

 

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A repetition that is not necessary.

The emergence of the Western (imperialist-capitalist) world contained all the horrors that accompany such emergences from an older exploitative-dominant world into a newer one.

There is no necessity for all mankind to pass -in one part of it, the same horrible road.

If the rise of the West contained a historical necessity and in terms of the gruesome forms it would necessarily contain, this historical (and non-moral) necessity no longer exists.

There is no "right" to repeat a horrible necessity, nor must our world first become multi-polar by overcoming the mono-polarity of the West before it becomes non-polar non-dominant.

There is no general "right" to the repetition of all forms of primary capitalist and imperialist accumulation, or of some primary accumulation of Dominion, because "once upon a time all these first-existed in the West," just as there is no "right" to the repetition of a rape even against a former rapist (at the level of the primary accumulations mentioned above).

The left that recognizes these "rights" on the basis of an ideology or an indirect "understanding" of the would-be new Sovereigns, rushers, proto-imperialists, who "also, want to...", is a deranged left that instead of asking to gain time with a non-repetition, it asks for "understanding" of the desire of some formerly oppressed or "oppressed" to rape working classes, nations, entire peoples.

Well, yes, we don't want a multi-polarity instead of the western mono-polarism, so that we lose another 2-3 centuries, we ask for socialism now, everywhere, workers' self-management, abolition of the system of wage labor, now, crushing of the patriarchy, now, or if it can't be done "now" we want to not go back 2 centuries for the "new sovereign nations" to do their term in mass death and expansions in territories etc.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος