1) Healthy Political Cynicism.
I don't know if there is politics without "cynicism"*, but I am beginning to believe that when it comes to the analysis of political phenomena and what it has to do with making political judgments, a way of "cynicism" is necessary in order for someone to be able to unmask the extreme moralism and idealism of all of us, so that he can see the real face of our narrowheartedness and our attachment to our material-interests and value choices.
The purpose of this kind of "cynicism" is not necessarily the sanctification and moral legitimization of this narrowness or finitude of ours, since an unmasking can potentially have many and contradictory developments, if it happens.
* We are of course referring to the modern meaning of the term, and not to ancient cynicism.
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Many years ago, I criticized the use of the term ''proxy'' to incriminate alliances of weak political, class and national 'bodies' that are in an objectively weak position in the global balance of power.
There is no weak factor in the world struggle for politico-military existence which is not forced to resort to an alliance with a great politico-military power.
Contrary to what many otherwise "humanist" or "Marxist" people say, I believe that people and movements have dignity, even when they are reactionary.
Everyone has their own agendas, and everyone at some point is looking for support, weapons, money, networks and direct or indirect contacts with a large civil-military force.
Look at what Lenin did using German imperialism during WW1, and look at it from a non-conspiracy point of view, as another manifestation of this aspect of political affairs.
Accepting the presence of this "earthly" dimension of politics and strategic practice, how do we construct analytical and value judgments for the alliances of the Ukrainians, the Kurds, and the Palestinian fighters?
Without moralizing, with accepting a degree of "political cynicism" as an element of political and civil-military practice, which alliances as cynical alliances are justified? and to what extent?
At what point does justified cynicism in geopolitical and political-military issues turn into unjustified destructive dead-end cynicism?
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When you consider "supreme value" as a constituent term of a theory that intends to explain the world, then probably - so I believe - you either want to be deceived by the "literalism" of ideologies or simply to deceive.
Let us consider as an interesting aspect of things the fact that in many cases the "impostor" and the "deceived" may be the same person.
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2) Comparisons and evaluations of political and value similarities and differences.
Azov battalion in Ukraine is politically weak, still, but I don't think Islamic Jihad and Hamas in Gaza are politically weak.
Want comparisons?
I have more others in my pocket.
Want comparisons?
I have more others in my pocket.
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If the Ukrainian resistance was led by Banderists and fascists, I would
not support it.
The Ukrainian resistance is led by a bourgeois
authoritarian but also a democratic state, which is why I support it
(even if there are some strong far-right elements there as well).
The
Palestinian resistance in Gaza is led by the Islamofascist gangs of
Hamas and Islamic Jihad who are indeed exploiting their own people - not
that Israel is not to blame.
My heart is cold for the movements in the
Arab world, since many years, and I am not alone in this feeling. I just
haven't learned to hide my feelings.
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There is a simple reason that I only hope for the democratic labor movement in Iran and partly in Kurdistan, and I have NO hope for the movements in the Arab world.
I hate religion and there is no going back on that. Islam, Christianity, Judaism and religions in general, if you take them seriously, they turn you into a bastard or a seriously ill person.
I don't want to be related to religion, directly or indirectly.
Today's Arab world stinks of religion.
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Israel uses the same argument as Russia, since both countries mention the existence of an absolute Evil (fascism-Nazism or Islamofascism) within the peoples that are subject to their attacks.
To the extent that this fact is valid, the argument is strong, but it is more valid in the case of Gaza, while it was not valid or is valid very little in the case of Ukraine.
Well, it is wrong to consider an argument as invalid only because it can function as a pretext if it is not based on facts.
Russia's argument is weak because it is not based on facts, not because it is invalid on its own.
If what Russia said based on facts was valid, the argument would be correct and the intervention justified, but this was not the case.
In the case of Israel there is a greater degree of truth in its argument, mixed of course with lies and propaganda.
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Ιωάννης Τζανάκος
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