Κυριακή 11 Ιουλίου 2021
Iran, ταξική πάλη..
Οι βιομηχανικοί εργάτες στην Πετρελαιοβιομηχανία τού Ιράν, διενεργούν αυτή την στιγμή, εδώ και μήνες, έναν μεγαλειώδη ταξικό αγώνα που οξύνεται και εντείνεται.
Δεν είναι θεωρητικοποίηση ιδεολογικών επιθυμιών:
Στο Iran θα γίνει κοινωνική επανάσταση.
Όλες οι αντιφάσεις τού καπιταλισμού αλλά και ευρύτερα τής αυταρχικής νεωτερικότητας, έχουν συγκεντρωθεί στο Iran.
«Γενικά» οι κοινωνικές αντιφάσεις είναι παντού πολλές, αλλά όταν θέλεις να τις καταγράψεις στο Iran και το Kurdistan: Ίλιγγος.
Ακολουθώντας την διαλεκτική ως θεώρηση τής συσσώρευσης αντιφάσεων και αντινομιών, έχω να πω ότι στο Iran επίκειται επανάσταση.
Οι δύο αντινομικές όψεις:
1.
Όταν
ξεσπάει ένα μαζικό κοινωνικό κίνημα είναι θεμιτό να υπάρχουν αμφιβολίες
για τον προσανατολισμό του, αλλά προερχόμενες από άλλα υπαρκτά κινήματα
και θεωρητικούς εκπροσώπους τους, όχι από ανύπαρκτες ομάδες και από
ασθενικά και ιδεολογικά προβληματικά κινήματα. Θέλω να πω ότι λ.χ, είμαι
σίγουρος ότι όταν ξεσπάσει (νομοτελειακά) το ελευθεριακό και ταξικό
κίνημα στο Ιράν, εδώ στην Ελλάδα θα εκφραστούν αμέσως οι γνωστές
αντιρρήσεις από τους μονομετωπικούς «αντιδυτικοϊμπεριαλιστές», ως προς
την πιθανή εργαλειοποίηση του από τον δυτικό ιμπεριαλισμό. Πέρα από το
εξοργιστικό γεγονός ότι αυτά λένε και οι θεοκράτες στο Ιράν,
συκοφαντώντας κάθε αντιστεκόμενο άνθρωπο, και είναι απαράδεκτο να
υιοθετεί κανείς την ρητορική τους, πέρα από αυτό λοιπόν φανερώνεται μια
κυνική ιδεολογική συμμαχία αυτών των «αριστερών» με τους Ιρανούς
θεοκράτες. Για αυτό υπάρχει αυτή η κακόβουλη εκκίνηση στην σκέψη πολλών
«αντι-δυτικοϊμπεριαλιστών» στην «δύση», και ένα κακόβουλο φίλτρο
μονομέρειας στην αποτύπωση από μέρους τους των αντι-θεοκρατικών
κινημάτων. Θα δείτε ότι θα επιβεβαιωθώ. Όταν λ.χ ξεσπάσει πάλι το κίνημα
στο Ιράν, σίγουρα εντός αυτού θα εκφραστούν και αντιδραστικές λ.χ
φιλομοναρχικές-δεξιές τάσεις. Οι σεκταριστές «αντιδυτικοϊμπεριαλιστές»
στην δύση, για να υποστηρίξουν το θεοκρατικό καθεστώς τού Ιράν θα
αναδείξουν και θα τονίσουν μόνον αυτές τις τάσεις, βάζοντας όλο το άλλο
κίνημα στο επικοινωνιακό «περιθώριο». Ξέρουν άραγε οι Ιρανοί και οι
Κούρδοι κομμουνιστές και αριστεροί και αναρχικοί και δημοκράτες, ότι
υπάρχει αυτή η ύπουλη συμμαχία τμήματος τής δυτικής αριστεράς με το
θεοκρατικό καθεστώς τής Τεχεράνης;
Το ξέρουν; ή πρέπει να τους το πει κάποιος εκ των ένδον τής δυτικής αριστεράς;
Ιωάννης Τζανάκος
Δεν ήμουν αλλά γίνομαι κομμουνιστής.
Αυτοκαθορισμός : Οι παγίδες τής παγκόσμιας ιεραρχικής πυραμίδας.
Σάββατο 10 Ιουλίου 2021
Τετάρτη 7 Ιουλίου 2021
Ημερήσια διάταξη στο Iran
Η εργατική επανάσταση είναι στην ημερήσια διάταξη στο Iran.
Στο Iran και το Kurdistan υπάρχει ένα επαναστατικό Ηφαίστειο που θα εκραγεί και θα ακουστεί σε όλο τον κόσμο.
Στοιχηματίζω και θα «κερδίσω» το στοίχημα αυτό.
Ιωάννης Τζανάκος
Όλο λόγια και λόγια, θεωρίες χωρίς αντίκρυσμα.
Εγώ αυτό που ξέρω είναι ότι άλλος ένας λαός πάει για σφαγή: Αφγανιστάν.
Δεν είναι για ψεύτικο «διεθνιστικό» οίκτο και για φιλανθρωπίες.
Έφυγαν οι Η.Π.Α από το Αφγανιστάν. Και επελαύνουν οι Ταλιμπάν.
Κυριακή 4 Ιουλίου 2021
Σάββατο 3 Ιουλίου 2021
Διάλειμμα..
Αναγκαστικός γεωπολιτικός στρινερισμός..
Ιωάννης Τζανάκος
Πέμπτη 1 Ιουλίου 2021
Σύντομα, τηλεγραφικά: Τα καθήκοντα..
Καταλαβαίνουν μόνο από Sendero Luminoso.
Οι USA, η RUSSIA και η EU έχουν δώσει άδεια στην Τουρκία να κάνει επέμβαση στο Βόρειο Ιράκ, εναντίον τού ΡΚΚ, αλλά προς το παρόν τούτη ΧΑΝΕΙ.
Αν η Τουρκία χάσει τελικά όπως φαίνεται στο Βόρειο Ιράκ, το ΡΚΚ θα εκδικηθεί όλα τα δυτικά σκουλήκια που έδωσαν την άδεια εισβολής.
Οι USA θέλουν να αποκόψουν το YPG από το ΡΚΚ στο Καντίλ. Οι USA-νοι, γενικά οι δυτικοί, είναι και σκουλήκια και χαζά σκουλήκια.
Αν εξοντωθεί το ΡΚΚ από την παγκόσμια συνωμοσία των σκουληκιών, το Κουρδιστάν χρειάζεται ένα Sendero Luminoso.
Ιωάννης Τζανάκος
Η χριστιανική εκκλησία στην Ελλάδα
Τετάρτη 30 Ιουνίου 2021
Όταν έρθει η ώρα..
Δευτέρα 28 Ιουνίου 2021
Ο Παπάρας Άρης..
Πήγαινε ρε Άρη να γιάνεις τον έρπη τού «Ηγέτη», κάνε άλλο ένα hastag «μην υπογράφεις» κι άσε το Ιράν στον πόνο του, παπάρα.
Ιωάννης Τζανάκος
Ντροπή σου Άρη Χατζηστεφάνου.
Είσαι αριστερός εσύ;
Ντροπή σου.
Κυριακή 27 Ιουνίου 2021
Gonabadi Dervishes Resist Oppression of All Minorities Since Tehran Clashes
Friday, 25 June 2021
Mohammad Salas, a Gonabadi dervish, was executed in Iran on June 18, 2018. Salas was accused of killing three police officers by running them over with a bus during clashes between dervishes and the police in Golestan-e Haftom Street in Tehran in February 2018. He asserted his innocence in court saying he was forced to confess under torture.
Three years later, Gonabadi dervishes from different parts of Iran visited the tomb of Salas in Boroujerd to commemorate him. Mostafa Daneshjoo, a judiciary lawyer, posted a video of the ceremony on his Twitter account on June 17, 2021, and wrote: "When Mohammad Salas and many others around the world insisted on his innocence, there was no one who could ensure justice and a fair trial for him."
The incident of Golestan-e Haftam, which took place on February 19, 2018, is one of the bloodiest repressions to have occurred in the last 42 years. The Gonabadi dervish minority had long been known for its tolerance and peaceful behavior.
The clashes erupted after a number of plainclothes agents were deployed around the home of Noor Ali Tabandeh, the grandmaster of the Gonabadi Sufi order. Fearing that security agents were planning to arrest Tabandeh or to put him under house arrest, a group of dervishes surrounded his home to ward off any such attempt. The confrontation soon escalated into violence.
The Iran Human Rights Documentation Center (IHRDC) examined the repressive and discriminatory policies of the Iranian government towards Gonabadi dervishes in a recent report and detailed the persecution they face.
IranWire spoke with Ebrahim Allah Bakhshi, one of the dervishes who was arrested and imprisoned in the case of Golestan-e Haftom.
Ebrahim Allah Bakhshi says the repression of the dervishes has a longer history than the incident of the Golestan-e Haftom: “Dervishes have been oppressed and abused in past decades by the government. As someone whose father and grandfather were also dervishes, I have witnessed and heard first hand accounts of the oppression of dervishes over the years. However, with the growth of social media in the past few years, the new generation of dervishes has more access to the tools that help expose the troubles this oppressed group faces.”
“Prior to the widespread news about oppression of dervishes in Golestan-e Haftom, the extremist government forces were constantly destroying the dervishes' places of worship,” Allah Bakhshi says about the repressions that took place before the Golestan-e Haftom incident. “Dr. Tabandeh and other dervish leaders were always under pressure from the government. Gatherings usually faced obstacles and hosts were always summoned, threatened and arrested. As you know, there has been a lot of pressure in recent years to close or destroy the dervishes' Hosseiniyah, congregation halls for commemoration ceremonies. Hence, dervishes host religious rites in their homes. But even these small gatherings are not tolerated and have always been suppressed."
Beginning of the Collision: The First Days of Islamic Republic
Pointing out that repressing the dervishes was on the government's agenda from the first year of the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Allah Bakhshi says: “The first major clash happened in November 1979. Amir Soleimani Hosseiniyah in Behesht Street in Tehran was set on fire and destroyed. At the same time, extremists destroyed the tomb of one of the leaders of Gonabadi dervishes in Shahr-e-Rey. Two years later, by the order of the then Supreme Leader of Iran, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, permission was issued to rebuild the Amir Soleimani Hosseiniyah, and official letters were issued stating that the dervishes should be safe and secure. But this was the beginning of a systematic repression of the dervishes, and every few years the intimidation and repression of the dervishes intensified."
Allah Bakhshi is referring to Ayatollah Khomeini's letter to Mohammad Mohammadi Gilani, the head of the Central Islamic Revolutionary Courts. According to the report by the Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, the letter stated that the grandmaster of the Gonabadi dervishes could travel across the country, hold meetings, and that any interference in his affairs would be considered a serious crime and would be punished.
It Gets Worse During Khamenei's Leadership
After the death of Ruhollah Khomeini and the coming to power of Ali Khamenei, the intensity of oppression against the dervishes increased.
Allah Bakhshi says: "During the 80s and 90s, dervishes experienced all kinds of repressions. Destruction and burning of the Shariat Hosseiniyah in Qom by extremist agents of the government in 2006 was followed by the arrest of hundreds of Gonabadi dervishes, including my father, who had gone to protect the Hosseiniyah. Their trial was not fair and they received long sentences. This led the dervishes to consider setting up an independent media outlet to report on the atrocities against them. They established the Majzooban-e Noor news agency, which has since covered all the news about the dervishes."
Five years later, in September 2011, another bloody clash took place between Basij agents and Gonabadi dervishes in a small town called Kavar in Fars province. But this time, the Majzooban-e Noor agency media exposed the clash.
A few weeks before the clashes, pro-government extremists inspected the homes of dervishes without official orders while shouting “Down to American dervishes”. They also distributed pamphlets, wrote insulting slogans on the walls, and attacked the dervishes' businesses. Allah Bakhshi says: "I thought nothing worse could happen. But we witnessed something even more horrible in Golestan-e Haftom. I mentioned Mohammad Salas, Behnam Mahjoubi and Mohammad Raji. Let me also mention Vahid Banai, who was shot dead by security forces during the clashes in Kavar, and his killer, who according to witnesses, was one of the police officers, was never prosecuted."
The report by the Iran Human Rights Documentation Center indicates that the Islamic Republic violated its own laws, as well as its international human rights obligations to the religious minority of the Gonabadi dervishes. The Iranian government has repeatedly vandalized dervishes' shrines, confiscated their property, and suppressed their peaceful protests.
Why does the Islamic Republic Suppress the Dervishes?
Gonabadi dervishes are Shia Muslims. The IHRDC report says Sufism has a long history in Iran but the root of the dispute between the government and dervishes is one of fundamental ideological differences. Most importantly, dervishes do not accept the concept of velayat-e faqih, or the guardianship of the Islamic jurist, the basis for the authority of Iran’s Supreme Leader over the Iranian government and people. Dervishes refuse to obey an Islamic jurist and, unlike other Shia Mulisms, do not pay Islamic taxes. But if they have funds then they pay it to their dervish grandmaster.
According to the IHRDC report, the guardianship of the Islamic jurist is based on the interpretation of Islamic principles regarding the conformity of one person to the teachings of another; this is something dervishes do not accept. In his attempt to overthrow the Shah, Ayatollah Khomeini introduced a new philosophy in this area. According to him, during the absence of the Mahdi, the Twelfth Shia Imam, whose return Shia Muslim await, a righteous jurist has custodianship over Shia Muslims. But dervishes did not submit to this philosophy. In the 1980s, Dr. Noor Ali Tabandeh published an article rejecting the guardianship of the Islamic jurist in a magazine published by the Association for Defense of Freedom and the Sovereignty of the Iranian Nation.
"The leaders of the dervishes never interfere in the social and political affairs of the dervishes," says Allah Bakhshi. “Despite being political, Mr. Tabandeh never asked dervishes to take any particular political stance, with the exception of one case in 2009, in which he advised dervishes to support Mr. Karroubi [in presidential elections]. Even then, it was just advice, not a direct request. The reason was that Mr. Karroubi had supported the dervishes in the crises that had occurred in previous years."
Allah Bakhshi also says the dervishes have faced their challenges with unity: "The Islamic Republic knows that the dervishes have always stood together. They consider each other as religious brothers and sisters, and if there is a problem, they stand together because of this belief. In all these years, the ruling regime has tried to destroy their solidarity by trying to sow division. After the Golestan-e Haftom incident, they succeeded to some extent. But now, three years later, we see that even the dervishes who are in exile are attending anniversary commemorations of Mohammad Salas’s death. Everyone cares and asks about each other. They have not left the families of Mohammad Raji and Behnam Mahjoubi alone. It means that those efforts [of the authorities] have failed."
"We can call the younger dervishes warrior dervishes,” Allah Bakhshi says about the rise of the young generation. “The new generation is not just those who are born to dervish families. Many became interested and joined after the Golestan-e Haftom incident. The new generation not only pays attention to tolerance, which is recommended among these like-minded people, but is also concerned with problems of other minority groups. We tried to make things better for everyone in prison. Right now, dervishes in exile in the most deprived cities are doing positive things. Today, it is no longer just a matter of arresting or harassing dervishes. We use the small voice we have to reflect the problems of all minorities, and this is what ideological politicians are afraid of."
Related coverage:
Torture and Medical Negligence Led to Prisoner’s Death
Sketches from Inside an Iranian Prison
200 Dervishes Remain in Prison
The Sufi Case: From 2014’s Civil Resistance to 2018’s Violent Clashes
YJA-Star commander Koçgiri: The Third World War is decided in Kurdistan
Since 23 April, the Turkish army has been trying with all its capabilities to capture the areas of Zap, Avashîn and Metîna in South Kurdistan.
Pelşin Koçgiri, one of the commanders of the female guerrilla YJA-Star, speaks about the strategic offensive on Medya TV.
She said: “Indeed, the final phase of World War III is currently taking place in the Medya Defense Areas. The center of the war is Kurdistan anyway and this world war started with the plot against Rêber Apo [Abdullah Öcalan]. We have renewed ourselves as guerrillas in this process. We have adapted to the new era, developed new structures and equipped ourselves in such a way that we can survive a high-tech war. That is the real danger that the enemy perceives, which is why it first tried to get rid of us. As always, Turkey takes on the role of the policeman of the international powers."
"With its dogmatic logic, the Turkish state did not understand the situation"
Commander Koçgiri continued: “This war has been going on in an incomparable way for 40 years and the guerrilla spirit has always won. This 40-year war has shown that there is nothing the guerrillas cannot do. The state, shaped by a strictly dogmatic logic, is not in a position to grasp this. It trusts the technology it got from NATO and believes that this will get it out of the situation. But the state hadn't a clue about the strength of the newly structured guerrillas.”
"We have the power to vaccinate the whole world with hope"
Commander Koçgiri added: “I think the enemies have understood this in the last two months. The technological equipment was handed over to the Turkish state by NATO a long time ago and it has started to try it out. So we were always looking for ways to respond more effectively and keep the guerrilla war going. As PKK guerrillas, we are not limited to Kurdistan. Our philosophy and ideology are not limited to ourselves, we are a force that speaks to the whole world and inoculates the whole world with hope. We have learned a lot from our sacrifices and renewed ourselves at every new phase. We've changed the way we move and position ourselves. The consequences of this can be clearly seen in the results of the last two months and will become even more clearly visible."
"They have shown their failure by using chemical weapons"
Regarding the resistance in areas like Mamreşo, the YJA-Star commander pointed out that the Turkish army was forced to use chemical weapons because it was not being able to fight the guerrilla resistance. This is actually an admission of defeat, said the commander, adding: “In fact, every person who knows anything about war can see that the Turkish state has been defeated. To besiege a place with hundreds of soldiers and not be able to break the determination of these people and get results is a show of desperation. The use of chemical weapons is nothing more than an admission of defeat. Until the last moment we were in contact with the comrades and the last thing we heard was that chemical weapons were being used."
The strength of women guerrillas
Commander Pelşin Koçgiri said that the resistance is not limited to Mamreşo but is taking place in many areas.
She emphasized that women in particular have a special role to play and gave concrete examples of the strength of women from the guerrilla. She said: “The level that we have reached as guerrilla fighters has been evident during the invasion. A really tremendous force was unleashed, both in waging war, in the context of restructuring, in the implementation of the relevant discipline and in the extent of the resistance.”
Among many other examples, she cited the fallen comrades Ronahî and Melsa from the Cîlo yê Biçûk area.
"Final War of Women's Liberation"
The YJA Star Commander explained the importance of this war: “Currently, the history of women and the history of Kurdistan are very similar. Just as all patriarchal men are united against women, all system forces are united against Kurdistan. These attacks are the rape culture's final offensive. The Kurdistan region is exposed to rape. Rape is the most extreme form of violence against a woman's soul, emotions and body, and Kurdistan is also being raped. In the face of this attempted rape, there are three options: you remain silent, you participate and are complicit in the rape, or you fight against it. In this phase everyone has to determine their own position."
Σάββατο 26 Ιουνίου 2021
Ο αρλούμπας δεξιούμπας Μουμτζής
Ιωάννης Τζανάκος