Α perverted Kurdish version of the Iliad..

If I had talent, I would write a perverted Kurdish version of the Iliad, where the angry Achilles would be the Kurdish Saladin, who after the betrayal of the Arab and Turkish allies against the Kurds, being angry, would join the Crusader camp, defeat the Islamic army and then would turned against the crusaders as well, giving Jerusalem to the Jews and the Kurds.

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Azerbaijan is an ally of Israel and of course Turkey (brotherly nation, brotherly nationalisms) and Armenia is an ally of (theocratic) Iran.

What's up with the Iranian Azeris?

Do they follow the nationalism of Azeris of Azerbaijan?

Do they follow the choices of their parent nation?

I'm afraid so, if not all, certainly many.

The combination of Iranian theocrats and Armenia on one side and Azeri Turks and Israelis on the other, and somewhere in the dark conspiratorial depths of Russia, worries me deeply.

How can a socialist democratic revolution in Iran proceed without falling into semi-dictatorial Bonapartism if it does not peacefully and through free will seal off the Azeri minority (in a similar case, also the Arab minority) from the influence of adventurous nationalists outside of Iran?

Everyone is suspicious of the Kurds who have shown with their blood, to the point of becoming almost fools, their intention of unity with the entire Iranian people, and no one is talking about the real problem which is Azeri nationalism, which under the strange help by Israel and Turkey may cause the disintegration of Iran.

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Everyone blames, slanders, vilifies and hates Kurdish nationalists for (real or imaginary) suspected links with the West and Zionism, but they are deliberately or stupidly wrong to blame them, because Kurds, of all ideological shades, are good guys, they speak openly and they are not intransigent separatists, although they have the right to be.

On the contrary, when the discussion turns to the Arab minority of southwestern Iran or the Azeri minority of northwestern Iran, there is an excess of respect and a cover-up of the dangers for the democratic revolution in Iran due to the connection of these minorities with many very reactionary centers outside Iran (Turkey, Israel, Arab countries, anything but progressive).

Do you know what I have to say to the Iranians and especially the Persian Iranian leftists?

You respect those you fear more (Azeris and Arabs), and you don't respect those (Kurds) who have shown that they are your given brothers, and weaker in reality, despite their alliances with the west and Israel.

I'm sorry, but this is a bad sign for you.

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Show not, less respect to your milder, more peaceful, more brotherly brother, and more respect to your harsher, angrier, less brotherly brother.

Show respect to all your brothers, but more to him who shows more patience, more fidelity, more intention of unity with you.

If you do the opposite, it will be as if you are rewarding the tendency towards inappropriate behavior and as if you are punishing the best behavior.

I have experienced it in my life, the best is treated as a given, as something certain and safe naïve and then neglected, while the awkward and dangerous for divisive and competitive intentions and actions is treated as recpectable and smarter that must be vorgived.

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I mentioned just before what I consider proper in retribution for proper or improper fraternal conduct.

The big question for me is:

When the brother rewards the wrong behavior towards him, i.e. he honors and respects the one who does not cares about him, and does not respect you who have shown solidarity and unity with him, then what do you do?

My heart cries out, makes a great noise, to the ears of my mind:

"Let you betray the traitor to the brotherhood, also abandoned the one who covered him justifying this betrayal - let be betrayed from you too".

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

 

 

 

Kantian Kurdism

First Kurds, both the PKK and the right-wing Peshmerga, broke the taboo of non-alliance with the West, throughout western Asia, and they did it with a mixture of cynicism and moral values, and they were right, the Kurds are always right in western asia and everywhere.

 

Kantian Kurdism: from Kurdish
a priori I am led to Iranian synthetic a priori judgments.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

I come to the conclusion

 

The more I study, as much as I can, the revolutionary process in Iran, the more I come to the conclusion that neither in Iran -today- can the far-left lead a democratic revolution, nor help it, as in the past (everywhere) when the its possible always-imminent coupist attitude and its ideological/political deviantiality to sectarian authoritarianism did not sometimes prevent it from being one of the main forces of a democratic revolution.

I take it for granted, but I will say it, that of course neither the monarchists in Iran desire democracy or are capable of helping it to be born and live.

Όσο μελετάω, όσο μπορώ, την επαναστατική διεργασία στο Ιράν, τόσο περισσότερο καταλήγω στο συμπέρασμα, ότι ούτε στο Ιράν η ριζοσπαστική (άκρα) αριστερά μπορεί να ηγηθεί σήμερα μιας δημοκρατικής επανάστασης, ούτε να την βοηθήσει, όπως παλιά (παντού) όταν ο πιθανός πάντα-επικείμενος πραξικοπηματισμός και η ιδεολογική/πολιτική εκτροπικότητα της προς τον σεκταριστικό αυταρχισμό δεν την εμπόδιζαν μερικές φορές να είναι μια από τις κύριες δυνάμεις μιας δημοκρατικής επανάστασης.

Το θεωρώ αυτονόητο, αλλά θα το πω, ότι φυσικά ούτε οι μοναρχικοί στο Ιράν επιθυμούν την δημοκρατία ή είναι ικανοί να την βοηθήσουν στο να γεννηθεί και να ζήσει.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

To plan, as a "vanguard", a democratic anti-theocratic revolution in Iran..

To plan, as a "vanguard", a democratic anti-theocratic revolution in Iran, means that you do not intend to replace the hybrid theocratic regime with a constitutional Bonapartist monarchy, nor with a totalitarian pseudo-worker's regime like Soviet Union that emerged after the coup d'état against the democratic Russian revolution by the Bolsheviks.

Unfortunately, however, the two largest organized anti-theocratic political forces, inside and outside Iran (monarchists and leftists), are defined by these aforementioned anti-democratic ideological and political attitudes.

Thus, neither can you organize the people into a modern, bourgeois or, on the contrary, workers' democracy, nor can you overthrow the theocrats from power.

The Iranian people, mainly inside Iran, are called by History to provide another solution and to overthrow - without the false help of their right and left leaders - the theocratic regime.

 

Το να σχεδιάζεις ως «πρωτοπορία» δημοκρατική αντιθεοκρατική επανάσταση στο Ιράν, σημαίνει ότι δεν σκοπεύεις να αντικαταστήσεις το υβριδικό θεοκρατικό καθεστώς με μια συνταγματική βοναπαρτιστική μοναρχία, ούτε με ένα ολοκληρωτικό ψευτοεργατικό σοβιετικό καθεστώς σαν αυτό που προέκυψε μετά από την πραξικοπηματική εκτροπή τής δημοκρατικής ρώσικης επανάστασης εκ μέρους των μπολσεβίκων.

Δυστυχώς όμως, οι δύο μεγαλύτερες ως οργανωμένες αντιθεοκρατικές πολιτικές δυνάμεις, εντός και εκτός Ιράν (μοναρχικοί και αριστερά), καθορίζονται από αυτές τις προαναφερόμενες αντιδημοκρατικές ιδεολογικές και πολιτικές στάσεις.

Έτσι, ούτε τον λαό οργανώνεις σε μια σύγχρονη, μπουρζουάδικη ή, αντίθετα, εργατική δημοκρατία, ούτε τους θεοκράτες μπορείς να ρίξεις από την εξουσία.

Ο ιρανικός λαός, κυρίως εντός Ιράν, καλείται από την Ιστορία να δώσει μιαν άλλη λύση και να ρίξει -χωρίς την ψευτοβοήθεια των δεξιών και αριστερών ηγεσιών του- το θεοκρατικό καθεστώς.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

The Iranian Left rightly distrusts Iran's bourgeois anti-theocratic forces..

The Iranian Left rightly distrusts Iran's bourgeois anti-theocratic forces, since their main political branches are flirting with the would-be Shah, who has not made clear his position on whether he supports a parliamentary bourgeois state or not.

The would-be Shah is talking about a transitional political system of which he will be the guarantor, so he is talking about a hybrid state which will NOT be a parliamentary democracy but a still middleastern regime of Bonapartism.

The only, albeit significant, difference will be the pro-Western orientation of the new Iran, and the consequent reconstitution of the Iranian-Israeli geopolitical alliance.

I, who am not a (Marxist or anarchist) moralist, consider a possible pro-Western turn of Iran as positive, but this possible event is not in itself positive for the democratic movement in Iran and the other countries of western Asia if not accompanied by at least a normal bourgeois parliamentary pluralist democracy.

The would-be Shah and political monarchism do not guarantee that they will follow this path nor are they committed to modern democratic principles.

As long as the bourgeois-capitalist liberal political factor in Iran, inside and outside the Iranian territory, does not renounce the would-be Shah and monarchism, it actually does not seek to have a real bourgeois democracy in Iran (this is explainable because that the Shah and monarchism they do not guarantee the establishment of a bourgeois-type democracy, so whoever supports him does not want a bourgeois democracy, no matter what she/he says).

 

Το είπαμε και το έχουμε σιγουρέψει, ότι η ιρανική αντι-θεοκρατική μοναρχική δεξιά (ο άλλος κλάδος τής ιρανικής δεξιάς είναι οι ίδιοι οι θεοκρατες) δεν εγγυάται ούτε μιλάει ξεκάθαρα υπέρ μιας αστικής κοινοβουλευτικής δημοκρατίας στο Ιράν, άρα μάλλον δεν την θέλει την δημοκρατία ούτε ειδικότερα την αστική δημοκρατία. Αυτό φαίνεται στις δηλώσεις τού επίδοξου Σάχη. Κρατάμε μια επιφύλαξη.

Πάμε τώρα στην ιρανική αριστερά.

Ένα μεγάλο μέρος της θα προτιμούσε σίγουρα μιαν αστική κοινοβουλευτική δημοκρατία στο Ιράν και θα ήταν έτοιμο να την στηρίξει στα πρώτα βήματα της, με έμμεσο ή άμεσο τρόπο. 

Πάντα υπάρχει βέβαια στην ιρανική αριστερά ισχυρή η λενινιστική παράδοση που βλέπει αυτό το πρώτο βήμα ως αναγκαίο για να ασκήσει έπειτα τα επαναστατικά-εκτροπικά ή πραξικοπηματικά σχέδια της. 

Τι είδους βοήθεια άραγε θα είναι αυτή; 

Δεν ξέρω και δεν μπορώ ακόμα να ξέρω αν η ιρανική αριστερά έχει μια μη ομολογημένη ατζέντα μίας πιο ουσιαστικής στήριξης μιας νεογέννητης αστικής κοινοβουλευτικής δημοκρατίας στο Ιράν, χωρίς ως αριστερά να το πράττει αυτό εμφανώς, παραβιάζοντας άρα τα ιερά κείμενα της. 

Ελπίζω να υπάρχει μυαλό εκεί πέρα.

Σίγουρα όμως αυτός ο αντιδημοκρατικός συνδυασμός μέσα στην ευρύτερη αντι-θεοκρατική παράταξη στο Ιράν, μοναρχικών από τη μια πλευρά και δογματικών κομμουνιστών από την άλλη πλευρά, δεν με γεμίζει αισιοδοξία.

Μόνο ο ιρανικός λαός ο ίδιος, η κοινωνική βάση, μπορεί να λύσει τον δύσκολο κόμπο.

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We have said it, and we have nown sure of it, that the Iranian anti-theocratic monarchist right (the other branch of the Iranian right is the theocrats themselves) does not guarantee or speak clearly in favor of a bourgeois parliamentary democracy in Iran, so it probably does not want democracy in particular bourgeois democracy.

This can be seen in the statements of the would-be Shah. We have a caveat.

Let's go now to the Iranian left.

A large part of it would certainly prefer a bourgeois parliamentary democracy in Iran and would be ready to support it in its first steps, indirectly or directly.

Of course, there is always a strong Leninist tradition in the Iranian left that sees this first step as necessary in order to then carry out its revolutionary-deviant or coup plans.

What kind of help will this be?

I don't know and still can't know if the Iranian left has an unacknowledged agenda of more substantial support for a newborn bourgeois parliamentary democracy in Iran, without the left openly doing so, thereby violating its holy texts. I hope there is a mind over there.

But certainly this anti-democratic combination within the broader anti-theocratic faction in Iran, monarchists on the one hand and dogmatic communists on the other, does not fill me with optimism.

Only the Iranian people themselves, the social base, can untie the difficult knot.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

Το ψευδο-Υπερεγώ.

Η εποχή που το υποκείμενο απολογούνταν σε ένα υπερκείμενο αυτού υπερεγώ, το οποίο ήταν δύσκολο, σχεδόν σαδιστικό, και απροσπέλαστο, παρήλθε.

Τώρα όλοι προτιμούν ένα μετριοπαθώς κρίνον υπερεγώ, το οποίο τους κρίνει αρνητικά όχι γιατί είναι αυτό που ήδη είναι ως ανεπαρκείς για αυτό που θα όφειλαν να είναι, αλλά διότι δεν είναι αρκετά αυτό που ήδη είναι.

Το ψευδο-υπερεγώ, τής ύστερης νεωτερικότητας, είναι κομμένο και ραμμένο για να το χρησιμοποιήσουν οκνηροί Νάρκισσοι, ώστε χωρίς κόπο να εξαπατήσουν μέχρι και τον εαυτό τους μέσω μιας ψευδοαυτοκριτικής που δεν κοστίζει τίποτα, τσάμπα είναι, γελοία, χαμηλών απαιτήσεων.

Φτάνεις στα αλήθεια να νοσταλγείς το παλαιό σκληρό και απαιτητικό υπερεγώ.

Νοσταλγώ την εποχή λ.χ που για να μπεις σε ένα πανεπιστήμιο ίδρωνες πολύ και για να το τελειώσεις ακόμα περισσότερο.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

When the abscess of religion breaks.

When the abscess of religion breaks, the pus pours out like a new faith, which you must not let infect you, again.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος