Δικαιοκρατία και νέος σεκταρισμός.

Αυτό το πράγμα που λέγεται παγκόσμια ιστορία..

Αυτό το πράγμα που λέγεται παγκόσμια ιστορία φαντάζει στο κουρασμένο πλέον μυαλό μου σαν μια αιματηρή σαπουνόπερα στο κέντρο τής οποίας βρίσκεται μια διαρκής δική, εις την οποία δικαστές, κρινόμενοι, κατήγοροι υπερασπιστές και μάρτυρες, αλλά και κοινό θεατών τής δίκης, είναι όλοι εγκληματίες και κουτσομπόληδες τής γειτονιάς, ταυτόχρονα.

Δεν λείπει από αυτό το πανηγύρι ένα υπερβατικό στοιχείο, εφόσον γύρω από κάθε έγκλημα τριγυρνάει μια απώτατη αιτία.

Που είναι είναι άραγε η αιώνια αμμουδιά; εκεί που όλα θα σβηστούν από το κύμα χωρίς ποτέ να ξαναγραφτούν; Αυτή η δικογραφία τής γραφής θα αποτεφρωθεί ποτέ;

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Διευκρινίσεις. Θέλοντας να μην κρίνεις προθέσεις προσπαθείς να δεις κάπου ή παντού καλές ή ουδέτερες προθέσεις, όπου πραγματικά ουδέτερη πρόθεση ίσως να σημαίνει άμεση ή σχετικά ελάχιστα αργοπορημένη ικανότητα διάκρισης μεταξύ μιας άδικης και μιας μη άδικης πράξης χωρίς προκατάληψη ως προς την πρόθεση του εκάστοτε δρώντα (οι άνθρωποι δρουν και σκεπτόμενοι).

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Η ριζοσπαστική θεωρία/πρακτική στην νεωτερικότητα (πω πω, βαριά πράματα), ενώ φαντάζεται ότι θα βρει στο μέλλον έναν μετα-πολιτικό παράδεισο που θα επαναφέρει τον προ-πολιτικό παράδεισο, ασκείται στην πρακτική (πιθανής επαναφοράς) μιας καθαρής δικαστικής (ρωμαϊκής) actio (αν θυμάμαι καλά τον όρο), με δικαιώματα ως προφάσεις ή χωρίς δικαιώματα για τους πολίτες.

Τι ωραία επιθυμία, έτσι;

Και πόσο στολισμένη.

Από την μια πλευρά οι δεξιοί και από την άλλη πλευρά αυτοί οι τυχοδιώκτες.

Δεν έχουμε καμία ελπίδα γιατί ποτέ δεν είχαμε.

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"Ναι, αλλά κι εσείς/εσύ...".

Το διαχρονικό "επιχείρημα" που ακούς σε κοινοβούλια αλλά και μέσα σε σπίτια, σε καφετέριες, ή ακόμα κι αν βγάλεις γλώσσα στον βασανιστή σου και αυτός θέλει να σε "αποστομώσει".

Η καθημερινή, οικουμενική και πάντα τετριμμένη υπόσταση αυτού τού, πως να πω; επιχειρήματος, μας επιτρέπει να κάνουμε μετάβαση από κάθε γένος σε κάθε άλλο γένος, χωρίς οι επαγγελματίες φιλόσοφοι να μπορούν να μας ψαρώσουν όπως όταν ήμασταν "νέους!." πρωτοετείς φοιτητές.

Άσε μεγάλε τις θεωρίες περί μετάβασης σε άλλο γένος και πες μου σε ποια φατρία τής εξουσίας ή ψευτο-αντιεξουσίας είσαι, και επίσης πείσε με ότι εσύ δεν έχεις χρησιμοποιήσει αυτό το πώς να το πω; επιχείρημα.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

Ουδετερότητα και Πόλεμος (2).

Τα όρια των (κακών) προθέσεων. Ουδετερότητα και Πόλεμος (1).

Value System..

 

Ιn my value system, Democracy and freedom precede and surpass Justice.

In the value system of those where Justice precedes freedom and Democracy, neither democracy survives, nor freedom, and ultimately neither Justice survives.

No to Righteous people, Yes to Democratic people.

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Marxism was not superior to other modern revolutionary views because it better expressed a demand for justice or because it was the scientific theoretical expression of the class struggle from the point of view of the working class.

Marxism prevailed, not anymore - especially in its new form, because above the demand for justice and struggle, it placed as a basic criterion of judgment (on) a society in motion the possibility of its dynamics, therefore it set the condition of dynamic progress as one of the main starting points of a positive or negative judgment on an overall social form (as to quality and the capacity of its political and economic institutions to respond to it).

Marxism was not a theory of de-development and strategic inhibition of capitalist modernization and modernization in general, although of course it strictly judged its destructive and oppressive form within its historical capitalist contexts.

Once Marxism removed this criterion, it ceased to be an autonomous theory and surrendered its weapons to all forms of sectarianism and anarchism.

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Strict criteria for a new - intended as - scientific socialism:

1. Criticism of the form of development and not criticism of development and modernization in general.

2. Harder atheism.

3. Criticism of statism but not of the state in general. The death of the state will come too late or never.

4. Drawing up a strategic plan to replace capitalism with a system of democratic socialism, where individual property will not be replaced by a collective property and domination, but (individual property and domination will be replaced) by a form of collective-and-individual non-proprietary management of wealth and labor products.

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The abolition of private property and individual wealth is the absolute practical condition for a socialist society to exist, but for this socialist society to be without class exploitation, this abolition must not create a new kind of domination/ownership in the management and distribution of wealth.

The replacement of individual wealth and the abolition of individual domination over wealth will not mean the existence of a collectively owned wealth, but (will mean) the existence of a non-dominant and non-proprietary free social-individual economy of collective-and-individual management of wealth.

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Since the aspirant as the new Shah, claims that he has changed and that he also wants democracy in Iran, let him be asked to answer if he accepts to exist in Iran a full, integrated, modern bourgeois parliamentary democracy, without the mediation of a supposed transitional semi-democratic stage as necessary political administration framework.

The would-be Shah does not make clear statements on this, so he is complicit about the theocrats staying in power.

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The hardest internal boundary of the Arab world, the one that prevents every non-naive democratic citizen of the world, from sympathizing with this world and standing in solidarity, is religion. The Arabs in their vast majority are deeply poisoned by religion, which in their case is the most cruel, demanding, male-dominated patriarchic religion that has ever existed since the human world existed.

I have no intention of flattering Arab hyper-religiosity, not because I dislike the Arabs as they present themselves to me in my immediate perception, but because I want at some point the Arabs themselves to be rid of this vampire in their minds which drains them of all positive and creative power.

Who does not know the shocking achievements of the glorious era of the Arab boom? Science, philosophy, art, at some point also a state of tolerance for otherness, at the same time of course that the Arabs were champions in conquest, the slave trade, forced violent Islamizations, etc.

What stopped progress in the Arab world?

The West; Not so much.

Colonialism? Not so much.

Neo-nationalism? Not so much.

Religion, that's to blame for everything, that ruined everything, stopped everything.

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As in 1939-1945, today there is a fascist axis (which is not only geopolitically and geographically defined) and against it is everyone else (some of whom are not particularly progressive).

The geographically determined fascist axis consists of neo-tsarist Russia, China, theocratic Iran, North Korea, and has as semi-allies or subordinates the Erdogan regime in Turkey, the Assad regime in Syria and the statist leftist movements in Latin America ( not Lula, not Boric).

Qualities of the new fascist axis:

1. Revisionism in relation to intra-European or Euro-Asian borders.

2. Anti-Westernism using a spiteful diversion of the anti-colonial ideology, for which diversion the anti-colonial post-colonial ideology itself is also "responsible".

3. Anti-woke homophobia/transphobia, idealization of the family institution and revival of misogyny, with this idealization as a pretext.

4. Adoption of the harshest Speglerian and neo-Speglerian ideologies about "closed cultural circles" with geocultural characteristics.

5. A model of mixing state capitalism/socialism with extreme neoliberal policies is proposed.

The New Left of the West in its vast majority watches the neo-fascist phenomenon dumbfounded, frozen, ideologically unarmed, politically guilty, morally disengaged, and this is done in a strange way that has to do with its traditional vindictive and ideologically dead-end anti-Westernism, wich is rooted in extreme hetero-determination of Left from the cynicism of logic "the enemy of my enemy is my friend".

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The index of ''collective guilt'' is always an ''already collective innocent'', on the basis of which all the sacredinquisitors pass judgments of condemnation.

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Η αριστερά και ο αναρχισμός πιστεύουν βαθιά ότι η ανθρωπότητα είναι ένοχη, πίστη που μοιράζονται με την άκρα δεξιά και την θεοκρατία.

Βέβαια, κάθε συλλογική και οικουμενική ενοχή έχει στο τέλος τού χρόνου της, μερικές φορές στο τέλος τού χρόνου, μια λυτρωτική λύση, η οποία είναι και το τέλος αυτής τής ενοχής και η έναρξη μιας χρυσής εποχής αθωότητας.

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Μετά από την ισραηλινή επίθεση στην Τζενίν που είχε 9 νεκρούς, ένας Παλαιστίνιος τρομοκράτης επιτέθηκε σε συναγωγή στην Ανατολική Ιερουσαλήμ, σκοτώνοντας 10 ανθρώπους που παρακολουθούσαν τελετή εις μνήμην τού ολοκαυτώματος, και οι τρομοκρατικές ισλαμοφασιστικές πολιτοφύλακες τής Χαμάς και τής ισλαμικής τζιχάντ έσπευσαν να επικροτήσουν την ενέργεια.

Στη Γάζα έγιναν διαδηλώσεις πανηγυρισμού.

Οι αντισιωνιστές αριστεροί, το πιο ύπουλο είδος, θα τονίσουν την σειρά των γεγονότων αποδίδοντας όλη την ευθύνη στο Ισραήλ, το οποίο και σε αυτή τη σειρά των γεγονότων ήταν αυτό που ξεκίνησε τον κύκλο τής βίας.

Δεν θεωρώ ό,τι λένε απόλυτα ψευδές, άρα για μένα επίσης το Ισραήλ έχει ευθύνη, αλλά ταυτοχρόνως πιστεύω ότι ο αραβικός και ισλαμικός αντισημιτισμός θα έπραττε το ίδιο ακόμα κι αν δεν υπήρχε πρόκληση βίας από τη σκοπιά τού Ισραήλ.

Το γεγονός ότι ο Παλαιστίνιος τρομοκράτης επιτέθηκε σε συναγωγή στην οποία υπήρχε τελετουργία για τη μνήμη των θυμάτων τού ολοκαυτώματος, και το γεγονός ότι παλαιστινιακές αραβικές μάζες πανηγύρισαν για αυτή την πράξη, δείχνει πολλά, δείχνει την ιστορική καταγωγή τού αραβικού εθνικισμού και σωβινισμού από μια θεμελιωτική ιστορική στιγμή όπου υπήρξε πολιτική γεωπολιτική και ιδεολογική συμμαχία του με τον ναζισμό.

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The genocidal attack on the Yezidis was proportionately the Holocaust of the Kurdish people, because the Arab and Turkish Islamofascists targeted the deep heart of the Kurdish nation that was and is the Yezidis.

If Arab and Turkish pride and arrogance could, this would be the fate of the entire Kurdish people.

No solidarity with Arab and Turkish movements, until they recognize without excuses and conspiracytheories the Yezidi Genocide, and until the murderous intent and anti-Kurdish hatred is rooted out from within the infected Islamic heart of these movements and peoples.

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If your words don't align with your heart, something is wrong. If your words that are not in tune with your heart, are spoken to lay people, something will go wrong.

Let's say what we feel, and let it's wrong, let's say what we think, even if it's not as brilliant as the brilliant idea.

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Many days have passed, and I will point out the temporary retreat of the libertarian movement in Iran.

It wasn't defeated, it folded in self, but at the same time I don't know, I can't know what sufferings the fighters are subject to, now.

The conclusion: the time of revolutionary militarism is coming.

But progressive revolutionary militarism without PKK-style militarism cannot exist in West Asia.

I don't know what the Persians will do in the end, and the Iranian-Kurdish communists integrated into Iranism, I know that the Kurds in Iran must start forming themselves without internationalist moral and political inhibitions, as an effective armed force.

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Try as you might, but I cannot claim to be able to overcome my one-sidednesses that was fueled because the values wars in which I participated.

Here it is:

Since NO Palestinian organization has condemned the Genocide of the Yezidis, an innocent, almost unarmed, harmless people, I do NOT believe any Palestinian or Arab in general, when they claim that they do not have a problem with Judaism but with "Zionism".

They lie, most Arabs are Liars, because they half-recognized the Holocaust against Jewry because they were forced to do so, calculating international public opinion and the power of the Zionist state.

If they had good intentions and a healthy view of recent history, they would show this in the case of the Yezidi Genocide.

They do not clearly say that this Genocide was mainly committed by Arabs, Turks (and other nationalities) jihadists and nationalists.

Also some of the Lying Arabs have dared bigoted Lie to imply that the genocidal persecution of the Yezidis was secretly organized by "Zionism".

Western leftists and anarchists may be mocked by the Arabs, but not me, because I am not Western, I am Greek.

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I am not so dishonorable as to claim that my heart is driven by impartiality, but I have a pretension to you accept that a man's partiality may be the result of an injury which he has been because he has tried to be impartial to all,

especially with the wronged people, and has seen that the the first to violate impartiality and the universal moral criterion were sometimes those wronged.

I am not a Christian, I do not want nor can I be a Christian, nor a post-Christian, and my anti-Christianity which is as deep as the well of hell leads me to Achilles'screem:

You betrayed me and I will betray you, because if I do not betray you traitor I will betray myself.

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The non-pathological response to the holocaust seems to be that it should never be repeated ("NEVER AGAIN"), against the Jewish people but also against any people, and that this good of non-repetition will be the result of the humanization of humanity through elimination of ultranationalism totalitarianism etc.

The pathological response, e.g. Zionism, is to say "Never again" for your own people, never a victim again, even if that means you'd rather have the people become the victim as the perpetrator to build a steel wall of invulnerable defense, to never become a victim again.

It is easy to choose the blameless moral and non-pathological response, but I, the sinner and eternally sick, will choose to defend -also- the pathological response, not only this one, because nothing can yet convince me that the "healthy '' response will result in the actual survival of a people that simply almost ceased to exist, completely.

Let the "healthy" examine a little more their health, the impeccable.

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If I want to realize universal global morality, I must arm myself with the duty of an impeccable consistency, where all the earth is the moral homeland.

If I cannot do this, even if I desire it, if I cannot yet rise to this Height, then, I will fight so that my people are not wronged, and if they are wronged, then I will reverse your lie, people of big words and small deeds, and yes, I will even become a liar if I can expose your lie, your so blameless self, and yes, I will fight to prevent annihilation from happening again.

Whoever judges Zionism, after what has happened, without taking all this into account, let him come to my place and let us duel.

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Freedom to the Ukrainian, Iranian and Kurdish people.

Crush fascist Russia. Brotherhood of Jews and Palestinian Arabs, democratic confederation without colonization and murders, down with Hamas, defeat to the Muslim brotherhood, defeat until the ground for Likud and the Kahanist fascists.

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Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

3 στρατηγικά σημεία πολιτικής φιλοσοφίας.

1.

Το συντελεσμένο, το αναντίστρεπτο, το αμετάκλητο, το τετελεσμένο. 

Κουίζ: Ποιός μεγάλος πολιτικός φιλόσοφος τού διαφωτισμού, εντός και εκτός αυτού, θεώρησε κάποιες συντακτικές πολιτικές δομήσεις τής ανθρώπινης κοινωνίας ως έχουσες αυτόν τον καθορισμό;

Ο Ζαν Ζακ Ρουσσώ.

Ο Ζαν Ζακ, λοιπόν, δεν είναι νοσταλγός, ως επίδοξος αναβιωτής, τής οριζόμενης ως φυσικής κατάστασης, αλλά αυτός ακριβώς που έθεσε το όριο τής μη επιστροφής μας σε αυτήν ως μη τεθειμμένο από την βούληση μας.

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2.

Στα κοινά πλαίσια τής νεωτερικής (ιδεολογίας τής) ριζοσπαστικής δημοκρατίας, η θεώρηση τού Ρουσσώ για την Πολιτεία, βρίσκεται τρόπον τινά πιο μπροστά από την μαρξική θεώρηση.

Μπορεί ο Ρουσσώ να χρησιμοποίησε μιαν αλληγορική, ίσως και νοσταλγική, εικόνα τής (οριζόμενης ως) φυσικής κατάστασης, αλλά συμπέρανε ότι η απομάκρυνση μας από αυτήν είναι οριστική.

Ο Μαρξ και οι μαρξιστές (και οι αναρχικοί δίπλα και παράλληλα), αρματωμένοι μεν με ακριβέστερες εικόνες περί τής πρωταρχικής κοινωνίας έχτισαν ωστόσο μιαν ανυπόστατη εικόνα επιστροφής, εμπλουτισμένης επιστροφής, σε αυτήν την πρωτόγονη, όπως λέγονταν αρχικά, κομμουνιστική κοινωνία (σπειροειδής ανέλιξη και επιστροφή, συν ένας λαϊκός εγελιανισμός που απλοποιούσε το μοτίβο τής σπειροειδούς ανέλιξης και επιστροφής τού πνεύματος κ.λπ).

Η αναγκαστικά (λόγω χαμηλού επιπέδου γνώσης τής εποχής) αφελής εικόνα τού Ρουσσώ για τις πρωταρχικές κοινωνίες συνυφαίνονταν με την αποτρεπτική επίγνωση από μέρους του τής μη δυνατότητας επιστροφής σε αυτό το φανταστικό -όπως αποδείχτηκε- αρχέγονο ιστορικό θεμέλιο.

Ο Ρουσσώ είχε επίγνωση τής συντελεσμένης υπόστασης τού πολιτικού, κρατικού, πολιτειακού φαινομένου.

Οι μαρξιστές, αναρχικοί κ.λπ, έσπευσαν να θεωρήσουν ως δεδομένη την αγαθότητα τής πρωταρχικής κατάστασης των ανθρωπίνων κοινωνιών, ορίζοντας την ως βασικά μη βίαιη μη καταπιεστική και βέβαια μη εκμεταλλευτική, και δια τής εικόνας τής σπειροειδούς ανέλιξης- εξέλιξης φαντάστηκαν ως νομοτελειακή και όχι μόνον επιθυμητή μιαν επιστροφή σε αυτήν. 

Ο νεώτερος κομμουνισμός θα συναντούσε τον πρωτόγονο κομμουνισμό στην οντολογική ταυτότητα τους.

Οι νεώτερες ανακαλύψεις τής εθνοανθρωπολογίας και κοινωνικής ανθρωπολογίας, ειδικά σε αναφορά προς την νεολιθική εποχή φανερώνουν ότι μπορεί "τότε" να μην υπήρχε συστηματική οικονομική εκμετάλλευση, αλλά υπήρχε συστηματική βία, διαρκής πόλεμος με σκοπό την λεηλασία των άλλων κοινοτήτων, μαζικοί φόνοι, και άλλα "ωραία πράγματα" (στις νεολιθικές κοινωνίες).

Ο υποτίθεται πρωτο-ρομαντικός Ρουσσώ, υπό τους περιορισμούς τής εποχής του, ήξερε τι σημαίνει Πολιτεία, πολιτική, αναγκαία έλλειψη στην σχεσιακη συγκρότηση των κοινωνικών και πολιτικών θεσμών, ενώ οι μαρξιστές και οι αναρχικοί, παλιά αλλά και τώρα, αναζητούν ακόμα την απώτατη καταγωγική και πάντα προ-πολιτική θεμελίωση τής ριζοσπαστικής πολιτικής τους.

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3.

Η ηθική και αισθητική αυταρέσκεια των νέων μορφών τής αριστεράς και τού αναρχισμού, δικαιώνει τα αρχικά υπερσυντηρητικά αντανακλαστικά όλων ημών που αρνούμασταν να εγκαταλείψουμε τον πληβειακό νεοσταλινισμό μας.

Βέβαια, έχει κυλήσει πολύ νερό στο αυλάκι, και από αυτή την ευρύτερη ταυτοτική ομάδα των συντηρητικών αριστερών δημιουργήθηκαν πολλά διαφορετικά παρακλάδια. 

Μιλώντας πάντα για την ελληνική επικράτεια.

Άλλοι οχυρώθηκαν πίσω από το ΚΚΕ, αν και διατηρώντας μιαν απόσταση ασφαλείας, άλλοι στράφηκαν σε αντιδραστικές φιλορωσικές αντιλήψεις, άλλοι έσπασαν κάθε δεσμό με την αριστερά, προσχωρώντας στον συντηρητικό ως δεξιότατο φιλελευθερισμό, άλλοι απλά άδειασαν το μυαλό τους απλά ιδιωτεύοντας.

Εγώ ο ταπεινός ακολούθησα, μέσω μιας φαντασιακής εξ αποστάσεως αλλά και έμπρακτης προπαγανδιστικής συμπόρευσης, το μονοπάτι τού ΡΚΚ.

Φυσικά δεν έχω οργανωθεί σε αυτό το κίνημα, πως θα ήταν αυτό εφικτό; απλά ακολουθώ έναν -ήδη υπάρχοντα σε μένα εδώ και 40 χρόνια- κοινό ιδεολογικό και κυρίως συναισθηματικό τόνο με αυτό το κίνημα. 

Δεν το ανακάλυψα όπως το ανακάλυψαν κάποιοι αναρχικοί, αφότου το ΡΚΚ προέβη σε μια ισχυρή αντικρατικιστική αναρχίζουσα ιδεολογική αυτοδιόρθωση στα πλαίσια ενός νέου ριζοσπαστικού δημοκρατισμού.

Αυτή η ιδεολογική αλλαγή ήταν μεν πραγματική αλλά παρέμενε ταυτόχρονα μια οριακή μεταμόρφωση που δεν αναιρεί τον αριστερό εθνικιστικό χαρακτήρα τού κινήματος, ο οποίος συνεχίζει με ετερόδοξο τρόπο, και αναιρεί ταυτόχρονα, το εθνικοσταλινικό θεμέλιο του. 

Οι αναρχικοί που ανακάλυψαν το νέο ΡΚΚ μπορεί να θέλουν να κοροϊδεύουν τον εαυτό τους, εγώ όχι.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

The new doctrine.

The New Internationalist Doctrine it mandates that you vote against the war spending of a bourgeois state, and anyone who supports that spending be accused of being a nationalist, a warmonger, a patriarchal sexist, a militarist.

My own political and politico-military Doctrine says that all of this is under review and constant review after the defining global historical event of World War II, where all alliances and therefore war spending became legitimate as long as they serve an anti-fascist purpose.

Turkey is not just an authoritarian capitalist state but an expansionist fascist state that has specific territorial ambitions against Greece.

There is not simply a competition between two capitalist states/capitals and countries but the competition of an authoritarian democratic capitalist state that has no territorial ambitions with a fascistized state that has territorial ambitions.

And when we talk about territorial ambitions, we mean a politico-military goal that includes the expulsion and ethnic cleansing of the innocent Greek people, especially the islands of the eastern Aegean.

What is the point of the leftist and anti-capitalist Doctrine when it does not allow one to face this reality?

Not only does it have no meaning but sometimes it has a clearly negative destructive meaning, in short it does harm.

Are the Greek anarchist leftist anti-capitalists adapting this destructive Doctrine?

No, anything else.

In fact, they intensify it, sharpen it, push it to its limitless consequence.

Anyone who criticizes them, is slandered, in the way they know and learned from their environment, as a nationalist (at best) or (usually) as an ethno-fascist and far-right.

They are brazen sycophants who have no guts and little brain in their skulls.

So what should be done with this political space in Greece? Nothing special.

The democratic people just need to lead him back to the political sidelines.

There they can weep and wail about how evil and alienated the world and the damned people are, and we'll get into politics again.

Enough with the fools.

 

---

 

Those of us in Greece who support national defense against Turkish expansionism, if we were on the left have been expelled from it, and are now forced to shift the ideological, political and cultural axis of our subjectivity towards the "center" at least (some they go further to the right, not necessarily to the right-far right).

All this is a result of the politics of the Greek left in its entirety and of Greek anarchism.

So since the Greek left has decided to form in this way its absolute dividing lines, even hypocritically disguising them as moderate "patriotism", as Syriza did, we too are now obliged to fight this political opponent with hard lines.

No more political mercy towards Greek leftism and anarchism.

We will crush them.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

Date in Hell comrades.

The only cassock worth wearing is the cassock of sin.
Date in Hell comrades.

---

I was given a key that would open no some lock, and I had no desire to make a lock to fit that key, because I was concerned with opening the door to the world's truth, not making locks for their ideological a priori.

---

In search of historical virginity?

No, friends, you lose your virginity only once.

Then you participate in the historic orgy.

Don't be late, and don't forget your whip.

---

Cold eye, forever hidden burning heart. If you want them to fall in love with you.

Cut the crying * .

*I give advice to Marxists who loves History.

 ---

In "History" there are final judgments too, but the judgment goes on and on until the guilt wears off and the Judges go to sleep in some museum.

Will this ever happen? I think, no.

But this constant judgment also does not lend itself to worship.

It's a chore as long as there are idiots, but we don't know how many idiots there are and how long they will continue to exist.

I know many mini versions of them in neighborhoods and apartment buildings and I see them reproduce, not necessarily through their children.

Supposing such morons cease to exist, won't we have other problems that need constant criticism?

Of course, yes. When you tell me, I'll tell you my opinion.

In my thinking, the fight against bullshit always comes first.

In this kind of polemic, the Hegelianism of a final judgment, provides me with some illusory hopes that may have a counterpartion in reality.

---

Apart from the good-natured image of contemporary epistemology about the "permanent Judgment" through the specter of "History", when I hear this I think of a hellish survival of criticism and (moral) Judgment in human condition, from all to all, like a constant minimum or maximum holy test, where all your actions will go through a constant test, even for how you opened the cap of a beer. 

This happens after all, people constantly judge others, for mistakes, omissions, obsessions or for deliberate selfishness.

Should we enlarge it? make it a social norm? to even find universal rules that constitute a common code of judgment on human behavior?

Better leave it.

I prefer to go to a sandy beach where everything is washed away by the wave.

---

Rational Hegelianism means incorporating epistemic errors or partialities into a larger rational truth or achievement, but it also means (something Hegel did not always do well) rejecting some errors and non-organically integrating them into the history of thought, since they were perhaps the result of a of possible weakness or incapacity (e.g. preventions).

---

I just saw a comment from a little American boy who once again declared his outrage at the murderous Assad, commenting on the butcher's rants against the "woke culture".

The little American, the scumbag, is rightly infuriated, but he had deleted me when I reported negatively about the ''holy'' anti-Assad opposition of the idiot decapitators, racist anti-Kurds, who had the audacity to criticize the PKK for "ethnic cleansing".

The pro-fascist pro-Islamo-fascist was offended that we tarnished the reputation of his beloved fascist Islamo-fascist pigs, and he considers his conscience clear because he is hostile to the other fascist, Assad.

Fascists here, fascists there, fascists everywhere and stupid westerners, fascists or pro-fascists.

Fuck you, all.

 

Fuck You Assad,
Fuck You FSA,
Glory to PKK!

 

Why did the West only support the PKK in Syria, and not the FSA to the end as well?

What a question!

The Arab chauvinists and Islamist-idiots thought that the West could continue to support their Islamo-fascist carnival, just because it was against the fascist Assad.

As if to support Goebbels against Hitler.

And they cry, they cry, like the little ones who were abandoned by the other fascist, Erdoğan, for the sweet eyes of the fascist Assad.

Cry all you want. I, who am not a moralist Marxist, refer you to my Greek and Kurdish balls.

 

My Greek one-sidedness is appalling, certainly un-Marxist, and whispers lustily in my ear:

In the middle east, I like the Iranians, the Kurds, and the Jews, for the others I have no lust for, okay?

I'm not a Marxist moralist, I openly confess my sins.

Will you forgive me, God?

I hate and love with a passion, but I love not the everyone.

 

I confess my sin, Oh God of Marxism and anarchism.

I speak the truth of myself and violate the scriptures.

I don't love all peoples the same.

Will I be judged in eternal punishment?

Sorry dear God, but some people are indifferent to me, even if they are right, some people are wonderful to me, even if they are sometimes wrong.

I know, I sin, but I can't help myself.

I am carried away by passion, and despite the fact that I keep saying the prayer of proletarian internationalism, after a while I succumb to passion and sin.

I have secured an eternal place in Marxist hell, and my perversion is that I enjoy it.

---

(Non-Christian) love is committed to its one-sidedness to the end, it is an eternal one-sidedness, until the end of life which is also the end of the eternity called life.

 

The "dialectical overcoming" of the one-sidedness of love reminds me of marriage or separation.
Sorry, I won't take it.

---

 

Universality is not an argument to support your morality, your morality is an argument to support your possible moral universality, and morality can be one-sided, without it being non-moral, i.e. a mask of hypocrisy.

In fact, it is usually the self-proclaimed universal morality that plays the role of the mask of hypocrisy.

Universality can become an argument in support of morality only if it is an argument that is first proven, if it is proven, and not an argument that prove itself the morality.

What makes and proves universality as an element of morality is morality itself, and that isn't happen always.

---

I am a damned centrist, but gentlemen Marxists and anarchists, I will tell you this once and for the last time:

You will not see Socialism even in the second coming without the Will of this political and cultural background that we express.

---

The unacceptably failed trade union organization of the working class in Greece after the fall of the Junta is a result of the sectarian and fascistic trade union policy of the Stalinist Communists, the extreme leftists, and the populist third world socialists of PASOK (of that time).

I wish we had a party in Greece like the British Labor Party or the SPD.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Fake Maria.

 

Greek left issues

----

You will tell me that your Lie should not be heard much because it will be exploited from now on by the Right and the Far Right.

Reply:

1st.

First apologize to us for slandering us for 30 years as nationalists and "depraved patriots".

First you will fall on your knees and brokenhearted to be forgiven.

I have been in the left movement since I was a teenager, and I demand an apology for the lies and slander against my moral and political dignity and integrity.

2nd

Learn at last that leftist or anarchist politics if it wants to overcome rightist or bourgeois politics must not adopt the patterns of falsehood, propaganda, cynicism and the sacredinquisitive murder of empirical truth.

3rd.

The way you manage the ideological and political conflict in Greece works indirectly but definitely in favor of the extreme right.

---

 

Θα μου πείτε ότι το Ψέμα σας δεν πρέπει να ακουστεί πολύ διότι θα το αξιοποιεί από εδώ και στο εξής η Δεξιά και η ακροδεξιά.

Απαντώ:

1ον.

Ζητήστε πρώτα Συγγνώμη από εμάς που σπιλώνετε με συκοφαντίες εδώ και 30 χρόνια ως εθνικιστές και "ξεφτίλες πατριώτες".

Πρώτα θα πέσετε γονατιστοί και με συντριβή για να σας συγχωρήσουμε.

Είμαι στο αριστερό κίνημα από τότε που ήμουν έφηβος, και απαιτώ μια συγγνώμη για τα ψέματα και τις συκοφαντίες εναντίον τής ηθικής και πολιτικής μου αξιοπρέπειας και ακεραιότητας.

2ον.

Μάθετε επιτέλους ότι η αριστερή ή αναρχική πολιτική αν θέλει να ξεπεράσει την δεξιά ή αστική πολιτική πρέπει να μην υιοθετεί τα μοτίβα τής ψευδολογίας, τής προπαγάνδας, τού κυνισμού και τής ιεροεξεταστικής δολοφονίας τής εμπειρικής αλήθειας.

3ον.

Ο τρόπος που διαχειρίζεστε την ιδεολογική και πολιτική διαμάχη στην Ελλάδα λειτουργεί εμμέσως αλλά σίγουρα υπέρ τής ακροδεξιάς.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

The realisation of a true socialism.

The realization of a true socialism would need the consent and participation of over 70% of a society. 

We need not only a democratic socialism that would start with the acceptance of the principle of the majority but a democratic socialism that would convince and activate the overwhelming mass of people.

---

A contemporary radical avant-garde would have a meaning of existence and function if it could convince people and not force them to take their own lives into their own hands by abolishing capitalism en masse and by also reducing en masse the functioning of the state, through self-governing economic and local units, with elected alternating and revocable local and central leadership, without bosses.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

Every wrong contains a degree of subjective guilt..

Every wrong contains a degree of subjective guilt, not absolute guilt, since there is always a heterodetermining system that co-creates ('with' the subject) that wrong.

When the guilty (individual or collective) subjectivity recognizes its mistake, openly and without excuses, then it can correct it and not repeat it.

After the self-destruction of the authoritarian and exploitative statist system of bureaucratic "socialism" (Soviet Union, etc.), but also before its fall (by anti-Stalinist leftists and anarchists) the left and anarchism sought to find "what was wrong'' and who was its subjective bearer (on a macroscopic historical-subjective and micro-subjective level).

The variously and polymorphously unified answer of all was that the fault was again capitalism, or (in a more anarcho-communist version) capitalism plus the abstract structure: ''State''.

Even when capitalism was not defined by some directly as directly responsible, e.g. the Trotskyists, the bearer of the error was responsible because it brought capitalism "through the back door" (bureaucratic Bonapartism which ultimately leads to capitalism, etc.) .

When Stalin died and his potential successors were neutralized (a similar thing happened with Mao), those who remained loyal to the Stalinist version of state authoritarianism accused their opponents of introducing capitalism (this is what all Maoists did after Stalin's death, but, also, after the death of Mao and the neutralization of his widow who wanted to continue the Maoist version of state authoritarianism).

But there were also the far-left "workers' council" anti-Leninist communists, such as Pannekoek and Gorter, who believed that bureaucratic "socialism" was from its inception a "state capitalism", again..capitalism.

Some Leninists, who were not Trotskyists though, thought (and still think) that in "socialism" after Lenin there was a return to capitalism as "state capitalism".

The anarchists, from a distance, believed that all the evil happened because the authoritarian structure of the "state" was maintained, but they also (most of them), believed and still believe that the result of ideological and political submission to the institution of the state, had as a direct result the rapid predominance of..capitalism, state capitalism or as they call it in their slang, the predominance of the nexus "[state] Capital-State".

Ugh.

As you understood, it is all the fault of the enemy, satanic capitalism, which was able, through its flexibility and known indirectness, like any satanic spirit, to penetrate the insufficiently virtuous souls of believers.

If this thing comrades is "self-criticism" then there is no doubt, I am the Caliph of Baghdad.

In order to fight capitalism and statism again with sufficiency and new strength, we must, in addition to capitalism itself, strictly judge ourselves, not (only) because the leftists retreated to the capitalism (again some others, not us! from the other leftist sect ), so it's not just capitalism and its disguises that are to blame for every stupid thing we've done, but also us, not completely, but somewhere and in something.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

Το ανεξάρτητο υποκείμενο ως ετεροκαθορισμός.

Neutrality as defense of the unjust.

Socialism.

The social historical effort to replace property and dominance, demands an increase in the active practice of (working) people at the level of both rights and responsibilities:

1.

Regarding the administration of the separate economic units and the entire economy/production.

2.

As for the administration of each separate political and social institution and the set of social and political institutions.

--

The "property-dominance" nexus (even if it is defined as social "property-dominance") deprives the majority of society of the rights to actively manage material resources and institutional structures, but at the same time this means absolving the corresponding responsibilities and actions (for this majority).

The abolition of individual and oligarchic forms of "property-dominion" does not mean automatic ability and disposal of administration and management energy on the part of subjects deprived of (these properties) due to the pre-existing structure.

An unprecedented and very rapid training and practical undertaking of actions is required to immediately cover the gap that will be left by the non-existence of the previous structure.

A basic ideological and practical condition for covering the structural vacuum that will result from the abolition of individualistic and oligarchic institutions is a deep open and extensive democracy, which, however, will not be understood or acted as it is usually understood and acted (until now) by the radicals circles, as an inductive mass generalization of some form of direct democracy of local and workers' councils.

Democracy was and will remain a totality, which as made up of many small institutional "cells" does not stop having to function as a totality that must be directed as a totality in itself.

The democracy of the councils will again end up in a one-party dictatorship if it is not continuously subject to a large representative assembly of freely elected representatives who, although elected and immediately recalled, must constitute a solidly founded institutional body with critical responsibilities and powers.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

The abolition of private ownership of the means of production and material resources.

The abolition of private ownership of the means of production and material resources necessary for the reproduction of human life, although a necessary condition for the transition to a socialist social and economic system, does not in itself constitute the fulfillment of all the conditions for there to exist this system.

When the original socialists and communists set this negative condition, most of them talking about the abolition of private ownership of wealth primarily through the abolition of private ownership of the means of production, they defined the new system by a positive term: social-public ownership of the means of production .

This is a false and alienating definition if we are talking about real socialism.

Socialism, if it is real and not bureaucratic, by abolishing individual property does not replace it with another property, since the term property itself is intertwined with a form of individual or oligarchic rule of the distribution of the production process and its products.

Socialism will only come if it means in practice the complete replacement of all ownership and appropriation by the collective management and self-management of all social affairs, equality of pay, the weakening and even the abolition of hierarchical divisions in their practice and management.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

Αντιστροφή (9)

When you refuse to equate the (less-than-worst-of) evil with the worse-than-that evil, this does not mean that you identify the lesser evil with something that is thereby the better of that which is worse than it.

The lesser evil is not necessarily defined as something "better".

And in this way, which if you pay attention to it is not so difficult to understand, I choose the Western and not the non-Western world, as it is currently constituted as a world.

There is also a more positive form of what I just said, but I ultimately prefer the negative pessimistic form of choosing between dominant structures, because as a thinking citizen I must think as coldly as possible about evil and vice versa, i.e. without idealization.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

Pussy Riot — MAMA, DON’T WATCH TV / МАМА, НЕ СМОТРИ ТЕЛЕВИЗОР

Thoughts

 

Some, not a few—perhaps most of the followers of the great (always maleish) Ideas— whose minute hand is stuck to a certain time-moment, they think, so pitifully, that when the time (of history) passes from this moment of time, they are vindicated!

---

 

Stop at last with the "truth" that will be revealed when the masks fall.

All the ideologues, this is what they proclaim, that they will drop the masks, that the masks will fall.

Sorry to upset you, but such truth does not deserve to be called truth, whatever forcibly threw off a mask with such a declaration wanted to build an eternal mask, so says the famous (Hegelian or not) History.

Waiting to drop the enemy's mask, when that enemy can no longer keep it on his face, you put your own mask on him, duplicated.

In short, anyone who claims that the crimes of the Soviet Union in the Caucasus, in the Ukraine, in its southern Russian countryside, from the time of Lenin, not only after, have no connection with Soviet Communism, from its inception onwards, and incriminates only the tsarists, who were and are now being burdened as neo-tsarists with equally inhumane mass crimes, one thing is, a Liar. 

Also Liar is who is -certainly- the liar who acquits the mass murderer Bandera (the Poles, who are now friends of Ukraine, they know, and they don't give their dead who were exterminated en masse by this fascist, to the lie).

So let go of the great truths, and see the guilt that all these great YOUR ''truths'' carry.

---

 

To Iranian Friends.

Be careful, get rid of the theocratic regime, without the Shah sitting on your head (again), and put the term "capitalist" as many times as you want on this regime, before you crush it or after.

Do your Marxist rites, cast your anti-capitalist curses, curse the West too, lest you sin of the great sin of pro-imperialism, it will be a shame to be maligned by your left-wing comrades in the West, though they neither care nor have strong feelings about you, nor did they show any remarkable solidarity towards your struggle, while some liberals I know, even right-wing ones, care about, while for your comrades you exist as "tea and sympathy", still at least, because if you take the power with the blood and sacrifice of youngs of Iran, well, then, even Varoufakis will visit the new Iran.

--

 

When masculine men question themselves, they make sure to do so to the accompaniment of a raucous brass band while write their autobiography at the same time.

Their pain and the self-destruction of THEIR BIG, ALWAYS BIG IDEAS, which also disappointed them and brought them to the brink of the abyss, must they are proclaimed throughout the universe.

---

 

The very masculine men who even call themselves "male A", make big premarital promises, but not only that, they also make big premarital Ideologies that promise that they will solve, after the marriage takes place, all the problems.

--

 

Putin promised his deranged drunken People that he would conquer Ukraine in 3-4 days.

I wonder how is found a woman, to marry this worthless man.

Girls beware, they are in all ideological families.

--

 

Masculine men promise everything but do little or less than what they promise, women promise little and do almost everything.

--

 

The ideal situation is not to choose an internationalpolitical master, the ideal is to be independent, like the fantasy of every right-wing or left-wing maleman, but I am not persuaded by men, I am persuaded by whores with guns.

--

 

If the "world proletariat", more specifically the proletariat of the East, does not do the job, the evil one wicked rogue western imperialism, will.

What a fuck, that's life.

--

 

I am to favor the full armament of the Ukrainian army.

Give the Ukrainians the more modern weapons.

I am for the completion of the war with the total defeat of the Russians.

I'm not a pacifist.

The Russian empire of the whip should finally be dissolved, that China should enter its middle-to-down place in the relations of power until it is democratized, that the state unity of Turkey should be broken, the theocratic regime of Tehran should be destroyed.

--

 

When I hear that "masks must fall", I think that you are trying to put on the mask of eternal truth, to you stick to us eternally over our heads.

--

 

The "Light from the East" today is pro-Western, and hates the fascist propaganda and act of "multipolarity".

--

 

The emergence of non-Western imperialism-capitalism as a would-be new super-pole of global Dominance is perfectly symmetrical with the emergence of neo-fascism within the Western imperialist-capitalist world.

End of story.

--

 

Until capitalism and social inequality are abolished, the West must have the most Power and Dominance on the planet.

I don't make fun of myself, nor my friends, when I take a position in politics.

--

 

What a fuck!

I will immigrate to the USA, to make a point to idiot comrades, we vote for Democrats, without Marxist sophistry!!

In fact, by voting for the Democrats, we are simultaneously voting against each of their "left wing", voting for their most aggressive centrist wing that wants to oppose directly the extreme right in the West, China, Russia.

Simple as that, no more bullshit.

Postscript.

To the Democrats themselves I would say:

Throw the far-left morons out of the store!

--

 

If the purpose is "holy" the means of its realization will always be "dirty", oh clever Marxists!!!

--

 

I answer with clarity to forced dilemmas, I don't resort to sophistry to answer only in practice but not in my Speech.

I will not answer your sophistry, dear Michael, I don't need Marxism to make a strategic ideological policy and value decision.

The lives of everyday people would be better without forced and negative dilemmas, but if you see the world through the eyes of these people, you must answer clearly, also through your Speech.

I am simple, straightforward, clear and honest with you.

If presented with a dilemma that must be answered, between imperialist West and imperialist East, I openly choose imperialist West.

The conclusion of a lifetime, along with other conclusions.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος