3 στρατηγικά σημεία πολιτικής φιλοσοφίας.

1.

Το συντελεσμένο, το αναντίστρεπτο, το αμετάκλητο, το τετελεσμένο. 

Κουίζ: Ποιός μεγάλος πολιτικός φιλόσοφος τού διαφωτισμού, εντός και εκτός αυτού, θεώρησε κάποιες συντακτικές πολιτικές δομήσεις τής ανθρώπινης κοινωνίας ως έχουσες αυτόν τον καθορισμό;

Ο Ζαν Ζακ Ρουσσώ.

Ο Ζαν Ζακ, λοιπόν, δεν είναι νοσταλγός, ως επίδοξος αναβιωτής, τής οριζόμενης ως φυσικής κατάστασης, αλλά αυτός ακριβώς που έθεσε το όριο τής μη επιστροφής μας σε αυτήν ως μη τεθειμμένο από την βούληση μας.

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2.

Στα κοινά πλαίσια τής νεωτερικής (ιδεολογίας τής) ριζοσπαστικής δημοκρατίας, η θεώρηση τού Ρουσσώ για την Πολιτεία, βρίσκεται τρόπον τινά πιο μπροστά από την μαρξική θεώρηση.

Μπορεί ο Ρουσσώ να χρησιμοποίησε μιαν αλληγορική, ίσως και νοσταλγική, εικόνα τής (οριζόμενης ως) φυσικής κατάστασης, αλλά συμπέρανε ότι η απομάκρυνση μας από αυτήν είναι οριστική.

Ο Μαρξ και οι μαρξιστές (και οι αναρχικοί δίπλα και παράλληλα), αρματωμένοι μεν με ακριβέστερες εικόνες περί τής πρωταρχικής κοινωνίας έχτισαν ωστόσο μιαν ανυπόστατη εικόνα επιστροφής, εμπλουτισμένης επιστροφής, σε αυτήν την πρωτόγονη, όπως λέγονταν αρχικά, κομμουνιστική κοινωνία (σπειροειδής ανέλιξη και επιστροφή, συν ένας λαϊκός εγελιανισμός που απλοποιούσε το μοτίβο τής σπειροειδούς ανέλιξης και επιστροφής τού πνεύματος κ.λπ).

Η αναγκαστικά (λόγω χαμηλού επιπέδου γνώσης τής εποχής) αφελής εικόνα τού Ρουσσώ για τις πρωταρχικές κοινωνίες συνυφαίνονταν με την αποτρεπτική επίγνωση από μέρους του τής μη δυνατότητας επιστροφής σε αυτό το φανταστικό -όπως αποδείχτηκε- αρχέγονο ιστορικό θεμέλιο.

Ο Ρουσσώ είχε επίγνωση τής συντελεσμένης υπόστασης τού πολιτικού, κρατικού, πολιτειακού φαινομένου.

Οι μαρξιστές, αναρχικοί κ.λπ, έσπευσαν να θεωρήσουν ως δεδομένη την αγαθότητα τής πρωταρχικής κατάστασης των ανθρωπίνων κοινωνιών, ορίζοντας την ως βασικά μη βίαιη μη καταπιεστική και βέβαια μη εκμεταλλευτική, και δια τής εικόνας τής σπειροειδούς ανέλιξης- εξέλιξης φαντάστηκαν ως νομοτελειακή και όχι μόνον επιθυμητή μιαν επιστροφή σε αυτήν. 

Ο νεώτερος κομμουνισμός θα συναντούσε τον πρωτόγονο κομμουνισμό στην οντολογική ταυτότητα τους.

Οι νεώτερες ανακαλύψεις τής εθνοανθρωπολογίας και κοινωνικής ανθρωπολογίας, ειδικά σε αναφορά προς την νεολιθική εποχή φανερώνουν ότι μπορεί "τότε" να μην υπήρχε συστηματική οικονομική εκμετάλλευση, αλλά υπήρχε συστηματική βία, διαρκής πόλεμος με σκοπό την λεηλασία των άλλων κοινοτήτων, μαζικοί φόνοι, και άλλα "ωραία πράγματα" (στις νεολιθικές κοινωνίες).

Ο υποτίθεται πρωτο-ρομαντικός Ρουσσώ, υπό τους περιορισμούς τής εποχής του, ήξερε τι σημαίνει Πολιτεία, πολιτική, αναγκαία έλλειψη στην σχεσιακη συγκρότηση των κοινωνικών και πολιτικών θεσμών, ενώ οι μαρξιστές και οι αναρχικοί, παλιά αλλά και τώρα, αναζητούν ακόμα την απώτατη καταγωγική και πάντα προ-πολιτική θεμελίωση τής ριζοσπαστικής πολιτικής τους.

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3.

Η ηθική και αισθητική αυταρέσκεια των νέων μορφών τής αριστεράς και τού αναρχισμού, δικαιώνει τα αρχικά υπερσυντηρητικά αντανακλαστικά όλων ημών που αρνούμασταν να εγκαταλείψουμε τον πληβειακό νεοσταλινισμό μας.

Βέβαια, έχει κυλήσει πολύ νερό στο αυλάκι, και από αυτή την ευρύτερη ταυτοτική ομάδα των συντηρητικών αριστερών δημιουργήθηκαν πολλά διαφορετικά παρακλάδια. 

Μιλώντας πάντα για την ελληνική επικράτεια.

Άλλοι οχυρώθηκαν πίσω από το ΚΚΕ, αν και διατηρώντας μιαν απόσταση ασφαλείας, άλλοι στράφηκαν σε αντιδραστικές φιλορωσικές αντιλήψεις, άλλοι έσπασαν κάθε δεσμό με την αριστερά, προσχωρώντας στον συντηρητικό ως δεξιότατο φιλελευθερισμό, άλλοι απλά άδειασαν το μυαλό τους απλά ιδιωτεύοντας.

Εγώ ο ταπεινός ακολούθησα, μέσω μιας φαντασιακής εξ αποστάσεως αλλά και έμπρακτης προπαγανδιστικής συμπόρευσης, το μονοπάτι τού ΡΚΚ.

Φυσικά δεν έχω οργανωθεί σε αυτό το κίνημα, πως θα ήταν αυτό εφικτό; απλά ακολουθώ έναν -ήδη υπάρχοντα σε μένα εδώ και 40 χρόνια- κοινό ιδεολογικό και κυρίως συναισθηματικό τόνο με αυτό το κίνημα. 

Δεν το ανακάλυψα όπως το ανακάλυψαν κάποιοι αναρχικοί, αφότου το ΡΚΚ προέβη σε μια ισχυρή αντικρατικιστική αναρχίζουσα ιδεολογική αυτοδιόρθωση στα πλαίσια ενός νέου ριζοσπαστικού δημοκρατισμού.

Αυτή η ιδεολογική αλλαγή ήταν μεν πραγματική αλλά παρέμενε ταυτόχρονα μια οριακή μεταμόρφωση που δεν αναιρεί τον αριστερό εθνικιστικό χαρακτήρα τού κινήματος, ο οποίος συνεχίζει με ετερόδοξο τρόπο, και αναιρεί ταυτόχρονα, το εθνικοσταλινικό θεμέλιο του. 

Οι αναρχικοί που ανακάλυψαν το νέο ΡΚΚ μπορεί να θέλουν να κοροϊδεύουν τον εαυτό τους, εγώ όχι.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

The new doctrine.

The New Internationalist Doctrine it mandates that you vote against the war spending of a bourgeois state, and anyone who supports that spending be accused of being a nationalist, a warmonger, a patriarchal sexist, a militarist.

My own political and politico-military Doctrine says that all of this is under review and constant review after the defining global historical event of World War II, where all alliances and therefore war spending became legitimate as long as they serve an anti-fascist purpose.

Turkey is not just an authoritarian capitalist state but an expansionist fascist state that has specific territorial ambitions against Greece.

There is not simply a competition between two capitalist states/capitals and countries but the competition of an authoritarian democratic capitalist state that has no territorial ambitions with a fascistized state that has territorial ambitions.

And when we talk about territorial ambitions, we mean a politico-military goal that includes the expulsion and ethnic cleansing of the innocent Greek people, especially the islands of the eastern Aegean.

What is the point of the leftist and anti-capitalist Doctrine when it does not allow one to face this reality?

Not only does it have no meaning but sometimes it has a clearly negative destructive meaning, in short it does harm.

Are the Greek anarchist leftist anti-capitalists adapting this destructive Doctrine?

No, anything else.

In fact, they intensify it, sharpen it, push it to its limitless consequence.

Anyone who criticizes them, is slandered, in the way they know and learned from their environment, as a nationalist (at best) or (usually) as an ethno-fascist and far-right.

They are brazen sycophants who have no guts and little brain in their skulls.

So what should be done with this political space in Greece? Nothing special.

The democratic people just need to lead him back to the political sidelines.

There they can weep and wail about how evil and alienated the world and the damned people are, and we'll get into politics again.

Enough with the fools.

 

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Those of us in Greece who support national defense against Turkish expansionism, if we were on the left have been expelled from it, and are now forced to shift the ideological, political and cultural axis of our subjectivity towards the "center" at least (some they go further to the right, not necessarily to the right-far right).

All this is a result of the politics of the Greek left in its entirety and of Greek anarchism.

So since the Greek left has decided to form in this way its absolute dividing lines, even hypocritically disguising them as moderate "patriotism", as Syriza did, we too are now obliged to fight this political opponent with hard lines.

No more political mercy towards Greek leftism and anarchism.

We will crush them.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

Date in Hell comrades.

The only cassock worth wearing is the cassock of sin.
Date in Hell comrades.

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I was given a key that would open no some lock, and I had no desire to make a lock to fit that key, because I was concerned with opening the door to the world's truth, not making locks for their ideological a priori.

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In search of historical virginity?

No, friends, you lose your virginity only once.

Then you participate in the historic orgy.

Don't be late, and don't forget your whip.

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Cold eye, forever hidden burning heart. If you want them to fall in love with you.

Cut the crying * .

*I give advice to Marxists who loves History.

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In "History" there are final judgments too, but the judgment goes on and on until the guilt wears off and the Judges go to sleep in some museum.

Will this ever happen? I think, no.

But this constant judgment also does not lend itself to worship.

It's a chore as long as there are idiots, but we don't know how many idiots there are and how long they will continue to exist.

I know many mini versions of them in neighborhoods and apartment buildings and I see them reproduce, not necessarily through their children.

Supposing such morons cease to exist, won't we have other problems that need constant criticism?

Of course, yes. When you tell me, I'll tell you my opinion.

In my thinking, the fight against bullshit always comes first.

In this kind of polemic, the Hegelianism of a final judgment, provides me with some illusory hopes that may have a counterpartion in reality.

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Apart from the good-natured image of contemporary epistemology about the "permanent Judgment" through the specter of "History", when I hear this I think of a hellish survival of criticism and (moral) Judgment in human condition, from all to all, like a constant minimum or maximum holy test, where all your actions will go through a constant test, even for how you opened the cap of a beer. 

This happens after all, people constantly judge others, for mistakes, omissions, obsessions or for deliberate selfishness.

Should we enlarge it? make it a social norm? to even find universal rules that constitute a common code of judgment on human behavior?

Better leave it.

I prefer to go to a sandy beach where everything is washed away by the wave.

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Rational Hegelianism means incorporating epistemic errors or partialities into a larger rational truth or achievement, but it also means (something Hegel did not always do well) rejecting some errors and non-organically integrating them into the history of thought, since they were perhaps the result of a of possible weakness or incapacity (e.g. preventions).

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I just saw a comment from a little American boy who once again declared his outrage at the murderous Assad, commenting on the butcher's rants against the "woke culture".

The little American, the scumbag, is rightly infuriated, but he had deleted me when I reported negatively about the ''holy'' anti-Assad opposition of the idiot decapitators, racist anti-Kurds, who had the audacity to criticize the PKK for "ethnic cleansing".

The pro-fascist pro-Islamo-fascist was offended that we tarnished the reputation of his beloved fascist Islamo-fascist pigs, and he considers his conscience clear because he is hostile to the other fascist, Assad.

Fascists here, fascists there, fascists everywhere and stupid westerners, fascists or pro-fascists.

Fuck you, all.

 

Fuck You Assad,
Fuck You FSA,
Glory to PKK!

 

Why did the West only support the PKK in Syria, and not the FSA to the end as well?

What a question!

The Arab chauvinists and Islamist-idiots thought that the West could continue to support their Islamo-fascist carnival, just because it was against the fascist Assad.

As if to support Goebbels against Hitler.

And they cry, they cry, like the little ones who were abandoned by the other fascist, Erdoğan, for the sweet eyes of the fascist Assad.

Cry all you want. I, who am not a moralist Marxist, refer you to my Greek and Kurdish balls.

 

My Greek one-sidedness is appalling, certainly un-Marxist, and whispers lustily in my ear:

In the middle east, I like the Iranians, the Kurds, and the Jews, for the others I have no lust for, okay?

I'm not a Marxist moralist, I openly confess my sins.

Will you forgive me, God?

I hate and love with a passion, but I love not the everyone.

 

I confess my sin, Oh God of Marxism and anarchism.

I speak the truth of myself and violate the scriptures.

I don't love all peoples the same.

Will I be judged in eternal punishment?

Sorry dear God, but some people are indifferent to me, even if they are right, some people are wonderful to me, even if they are sometimes wrong.

I know, I sin, but I can't help myself.

I am carried away by passion, and despite the fact that I keep saying the prayer of proletarian internationalism, after a while I succumb to passion and sin.

I have secured an eternal place in Marxist hell, and my perversion is that I enjoy it.

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(Non-Christian) love is committed to its one-sidedness to the end, it is an eternal one-sidedness, until the end of life which is also the end of the eternity called life.

 

The "dialectical overcoming" of the one-sidedness of love reminds me of marriage or separation.
Sorry, I won't take it.

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Universality is not an argument to support your morality, your morality is an argument to support your possible moral universality, and morality can be one-sided, without it being non-moral, i.e. a mask of hypocrisy.

In fact, it is usually the self-proclaimed universal morality that plays the role of the mask of hypocrisy.

Universality can become an argument in support of morality only if it is an argument that is first proven, if it is proven, and not an argument that prove itself the morality.

What makes and proves universality as an element of morality is morality itself, and that isn't happen always.

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I am a damned centrist, but gentlemen Marxists and anarchists, I will tell you this once and for the last time:

You will not see Socialism even in the second coming without the Will of this political and cultural background that we express.

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The unacceptably failed trade union organization of the working class in Greece after the fall of the Junta is a result of the sectarian and fascistic trade union policy of the Stalinist Communists, the extreme leftists, and the populist third world socialists of PASOK (of that time).

I wish we had a party in Greece like the British Labor Party or the SPD.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Fake Maria.

 

Greek left issues

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You will tell me that your Lie should not be heard much because it will be exploited from now on by the Right and the Far Right.

Reply:

1st.

First apologize to us for slandering us for 30 years as nationalists and "depraved patriots".

First you will fall on your knees and brokenhearted to be forgiven.

I have been in the left movement since I was a teenager, and I demand an apology for the lies and slander against my moral and political dignity and integrity.

2nd

Learn at last that leftist or anarchist politics if it wants to overcome rightist or bourgeois politics must not adopt the patterns of falsehood, propaganda, cynicism and the sacredinquisitive murder of empirical truth.

3rd.

The way you manage the ideological and political conflict in Greece works indirectly but definitely in favor of the extreme right.

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Θα μου πείτε ότι το Ψέμα σας δεν πρέπει να ακουστεί πολύ διότι θα το αξιοποιεί από εδώ και στο εξής η Δεξιά και η ακροδεξιά.

Απαντώ:

1ον.

Ζητήστε πρώτα Συγγνώμη από εμάς που σπιλώνετε με συκοφαντίες εδώ και 30 χρόνια ως εθνικιστές και "ξεφτίλες πατριώτες".

Πρώτα θα πέσετε γονατιστοί και με συντριβή για να σας συγχωρήσουμε.

Είμαι στο αριστερό κίνημα από τότε που ήμουν έφηβος, και απαιτώ μια συγγνώμη για τα ψέματα και τις συκοφαντίες εναντίον τής ηθικής και πολιτικής μου αξιοπρέπειας και ακεραιότητας.

2ον.

Μάθετε επιτέλους ότι η αριστερή ή αναρχική πολιτική αν θέλει να ξεπεράσει την δεξιά ή αστική πολιτική πρέπει να μην υιοθετεί τα μοτίβα τής ψευδολογίας, τής προπαγάνδας, τού κυνισμού και τής ιεροεξεταστικής δολοφονίας τής εμπειρικής αλήθειας.

3ον.

Ο τρόπος που διαχειρίζεστε την ιδεολογική και πολιτική διαμάχη στην Ελλάδα λειτουργεί εμμέσως αλλά σίγουρα υπέρ τής ακροδεξιάς.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

The realisation of a true socialism.

The realization of a true socialism would need the consent and participation of over 70% of a society. 

We need not only a democratic socialism that would start with the acceptance of the principle of the majority but a democratic socialism that would convince and activate the overwhelming mass of people.

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A contemporary radical avant-garde would have a meaning of existence and function if it could convince people and not force them to take their own lives into their own hands by abolishing capitalism en masse and by also reducing en masse the functioning of the state, through self-governing economic and local units, with elected alternating and revocable local and central leadership, without bosses.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

Every wrong contains a degree of subjective guilt..

Every wrong contains a degree of subjective guilt, not absolute guilt, since there is always a heterodetermining system that co-creates ('with' the subject) that wrong.

When the guilty (individual or collective) subjectivity recognizes its mistake, openly and without excuses, then it can correct it and not repeat it.

After the self-destruction of the authoritarian and exploitative statist system of bureaucratic "socialism" (Soviet Union, etc.), but also before its fall (by anti-Stalinist leftists and anarchists) the left and anarchism sought to find "what was wrong'' and who was its subjective bearer (on a macroscopic historical-subjective and micro-subjective level).

The variously and polymorphously unified answer of all was that the fault was again capitalism, or (in a more anarcho-communist version) capitalism plus the abstract structure: ''State''.

Even when capitalism was not defined by some directly as directly responsible, e.g. the Trotskyists, the bearer of the error was responsible because it brought capitalism "through the back door" (bureaucratic Bonapartism which ultimately leads to capitalism, etc.) .

When Stalin died and his potential successors were neutralized (a similar thing happened with Mao), those who remained loyal to the Stalinist version of state authoritarianism accused their opponents of introducing capitalism (this is what all Maoists did after Stalin's death, but, also, after the death of Mao and the neutralization of his widow who wanted to continue the Maoist version of state authoritarianism).

But there were also the far-left "workers' council" anti-Leninist communists, such as Pannekoek and Gorter, who believed that bureaucratic "socialism" was from its inception a "state capitalism", again..capitalism.

Some Leninists, who were not Trotskyists though, thought (and still think) that in "socialism" after Lenin there was a return to capitalism as "state capitalism".

The anarchists, from a distance, believed that all the evil happened because the authoritarian structure of the "state" was maintained, but they also (most of them), believed and still believe that the result of ideological and political submission to the institution of the state, had as a direct result the rapid predominance of..capitalism, state capitalism or as they call it in their slang, the predominance of the nexus "[state] Capital-State".

Ugh.

As you understood, it is all the fault of the enemy, satanic capitalism, which was able, through its flexibility and known indirectness, like any satanic spirit, to penetrate the insufficiently virtuous souls of believers.

If this thing comrades is "self-criticism" then there is no doubt, I am the Caliph of Baghdad.

In order to fight capitalism and statism again with sufficiency and new strength, we must, in addition to capitalism itself, strictly judge ourselves, not (only) because the leftists retreated to the capitalism (again some others, not us! from the other leftist sect ), so it's not just capitalism and its disguises that are to blame for every stupid thing we've done, but also us, not completely, but somewhere and in something.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

Το ανεξάρτητο υποκείμενο ως ετεροκαθορισμός.

Neutrality as defense of the unjust.

Socialism.

The social historical effort to replace property and dominance, demands an increase in the active practice of (working) people at the level of both rights and responsibilities:

1.

Regarding the administration of the separate economic units and the entire economy/production.

2.

As for the administration of each separate political and social institution and the set of social and political institutions.

--

The "property-dominance" nexus (even if it is defined as social "property-dominance") deprives the majority of society of the rights to actively manage material resources and institutional structures, but at the same time this means absolving the corresponding responsibilities and actions (for this majority).

The abolition of individual and oligarchic forms of "property-dominion" does not mean automatic ability and disposal of administration and management energy on the part of subjects deprived of (these properties) due to the pre-existing structure.

An unprecedented and very rapid training and practical undertaking of actions is required to immediately cover the gap that will be left by the non-existence of the previous structure.

A basic ideological and practical condition for covering the structural vacuum that will result from the abolition of individualistic and oligarchic institutions is a deep open and extensive democracy, which, however, will not be understood or acted as it is usually understood and acted (until now) by the radicals circles, as an inductive mass generalization of some form of direct democracy of local and workers' councils.

Democracy was and will remain a totality, which as made up of many small institutional "cells" does not stop having to function as a totality that must be directed as a totality in itself.

The democracy of the councils will again end up in a one-party dictatorship if it is not continuously subject to a large representative assembly of freely elected representatives who, although elected and immediately recalled, must constitute a solidly founded institutional body with critical responsibilities and powers.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

The abolition of private ownership of the means of production and material resources.

The abolition of private ownership of the means of production and material resources necessary for the reproduction of human life, although a necessary condition for the transition to a socialist social and economic system, does not in itself constitute the fulfillment of all the conditions for there to exist this system.

When the original socialists and communists set this negative condition, most of them talking about the abolition of private ownership of wealth primarily through the abolition of private ownership of the means of production, they defined the new system by a positive term: social-public ownership of the means of production .

This is a false and alienating definition if we are talking about real socialism.

Socialism, if it is real and not bureaucratic, by abolishing individual property does not replace it with another property, since the term property itself is intertwined with a form of individual or oligarchic rule of the distribution of the production process and its products.

Socialism will only come if it means in practice the complete replacement of all ownership and appropriation by the collective management and self-management of all social affairs, equality of pay, the weakening and even the abolition of hierarchical divisions in their practice and management.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

Αντιστροφή (9)

When you refuse to equate the (less-than-worst-of) evil with the worse-than-that evil, this does not mean that you identify the lesser evil with something that is thereby the better of that which is worse than it.

The lesser evil is not necessarily defined as something "better".

And in this way, which if you pay attention to it is not so difficult to understand, I choose the Western and not the non-Western world, as it is currently constituted as a world.

There is also a more positive form of what I just said, but I ultimately prefer the negative pessimistic form of choosing between dominant structures, because as a thinking citizen I must think as coldly as possible about evil and vice versa, i.e. without idealization.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

Pussy Riot — MAMA, DON’T WATCH TV / МАМА, НЕ СМОТРИ ТЕЛЕВИЗОР

Thoughts

 

Some, not a few—perhaps most of the followers of the great (always maleish) Ideas— whose minute hand is stuck to a certain time-moment, they think, so pitifully, that when the time (of history) passes from this moment of time, they are vindicated!

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Stop at last with the "truth" that will be revealed when the masks fall.

All the ideologues, this is what they proclaim, that they will drop the masks, that the masks will fall.

Sorry to upset you, but such truth does not deserve to be called truth, whatever forcibly threw off a mask with such a declaration wanted to build an eternal mask, so says the famous (Hegelian or not) History.

Waiting to drop the enemy's mask, when that enemy can no longer keep it on his face, you put your own mask on him, duplicated.

In short, anyone who claims that the crimes of the Soviet Union in the Caucasus, in the Ukraine, in its southern Russian countryside, from the time of Lenin, not only after, have no connection with Soviet Communism, from its inception onwards, and incriminates only the tsarists, who were and are now being burdened as neo-tsarists with equally inhumane mass crimes, one thing is, a Liar. 

Also Liar is who is -certainly- the liar who acquits the mass murderer Bandera (the Poles, who are now friends of Ukraine, they know, and they don't give their dead who were exterminated en masse by this fascist, to the lie).

So let go of the great truths, and see the guilt that all these great YOUR ''truths'' carry.

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To Iranian Friends.

Be careful, get rid of the theocratic regime, without the Shah sitting on your head (again), and put the term "capitalist" as many times as you want on this regime, before you crush it or after.

Do your Marxist rites, cast your anti-capitalist curses, curse the West too, lest you sin of the great sin of pro-imperialism, it will be a shame to be maligned by your left-wing comrades in the West, though they neither care nor have strong feelings about you, nor did they show any remarkable solidarity towards your struggle, while some liberals I know, even right-wing ones, care about, while for your comrades you exist as "tea and sympathy", still at least, because if you take the power with the blood and sacrifice of youngs of Iran, well, then, even Varoufakis will visit the new Iran.

--

 

When masculine men question themselves, they make sure to do so to the accompaniment of a raucous brass band while write their autobiography at the same time.

Their pain and the self-destruction of THEIR BIG, ALWAYS BIG IDEAS, which also disappointed them and brought them to the brink of the abyss, must they are proclaimed throughout the universe.

---

 

The very masculine men who even call themselves "male A", make big premarital promises, but not only that, they also make big premarital Ideologies that promise that they will solve, after the marriage takes place, all the problems.

--

 

Putin promised his deranged drunken People that he would conquer Ukraine in 3-4 days.

I wonder how is found a woman, to marry this worthless man.

Girls beware, they are in all ideological families.

--

 

Masculine men promise everything but do little or less than what they promise, women promise little and do almost everything.

--

 

The ideal situation is not to choose an internationalpolitical master, the ideal is to be independent, like the fantasy of every right-wing or left-wing maleman, but I am not persuaded by men, I am persuaded by whores with guns.

--

 

If the "world proletariat", more specifically the proletariat of the East, does not do the job, the evil one wicked rogue western imperialism, will.

What a fuck, that's life.

--

 

I am to favor the full armament of the Ukrainian army.

Give the Ukrainians the more modern weapons.

I am for the completion of the war with the total defeat of the Russians.

I'm not a pacifist.

The Russian empire of the whip should finally be dissolved, that China should enter its middle-to-down place in the relations of power until it is democratized, that the state unity of Turkey should be broken, the theocratic regime of Tehran should be destroyed.

--

 

When I hear that "masks must fall", I think that you are trying to put on the mask of eternal truth, to you stick to us eternally over our heads.

--

 

The "Light from the East" today is pro-Western, and hates the fascist propaganda and act of "multipolarity".

--

 

The emergence of non-Western imperialism-capitalism as a would-be new super-pole of global Dominance is perfectly symmetrical with the emergence of neo-fascism within the Western imperialist-capitalist world.

End of story.

--

 

Until capitalism and social inequality are abolished, the West must have the most Power and Dominance on the planet.

I don't make fun of myself, nor my friends, when I take a position in politics.

--

 

What a fuck!

I will immigrate to the USA, to make a point to idiot comrades, we vote for Democrats, without Marxist sophistry!!

In fact, by voting for the Democrats, we are simultaneously voting against each of their "left wing", voting for their most aggressive centrist wing that wants to oppose directly the extreme right in the West, China, Russia.

Simple as that, no more bullshit.

Postscript.

To the Democrats themselves I would say:

Throw the far-left morons out of the store!

--

 

If the purpose is "holy" the means of its realization will always be "dirty", oh clever Marxists!!!

--

 

I answer with clarity to forced dilemmas, I don't resort to sophistry to answer only in practice but not in my Speech.

I will not answer your sophistry, dear Michael, I don't need Marxism to make a strategic ideological policy and value decision.

The lives of everyday people would be better without forced and negative dilemmas, but if you see the world through the eyes of these people, you must answer clearly, also through your Speech.

I am simple, straightforward, clear and honest with you.

If presented with a dilemma that must be answered, between imperialist West and imperialist East, I openly choose imperialist West.

The conclusion of a lifetime, along with other conclusions.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

 

 

 

Αντιστροφή (8). Finally stop use Hegel's name, at least do this.

There are those who define themselves as "dialectical" Judges of values, but usually they do not hold the balance correctly, they tilt it.

They judge, for example, the values proclaimed by the "West", that if they have meaning, they only have meaning in reference to the specific material-social (therefore also ideological) conditions.

So, for these silly and dangerous anti-democratic sophists, these values (democracy, freedom, equality, secularism, etc.) before they are even corrupted by class capitalist use are already weak, "abstract" as they say.

But when they refer to the value, their own value, of anti-imperialism or even anti-capitalism, then they see this value as already strong in its beginning, before it undergoes the alterations of its time-to-time alterationmakers, such as the -according to their words- "opportunists" "nationalists pseudo-anti-imperialists" "campists" and other various alterers of an initially already non-alienated Idea that only after its "bad use" is altered and alienated.

You See?

Their own values are afflicted by hypocrites and alienators, although originally pure, while the values of the accursed West are weak, half-alienated from their initial inception, before they are abused by hypocrites, etc.

I caught you a Marxist/anarchist, you are a professional Liar.

Finally stop use Hegel's name, at least do this.

Hegel was the hero of the defense of abstraction.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

 

 

Αντιστροφή (7). The time has come to destroy both metaphysics..

The radical theorists of modernity demolished the Transcendentalism of Transcendent through a transcendentalized Immanence.

The time has come to destroy both metaphysics, that means to demolishe metaphysics of the Transcendentalism/Transcendent and also the metaphysics of the transcendentalized Immanence.

 Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

Αντιστροφή (6). Transcendentalism..

All the highest "holy" purposes fall into "dirty" means of their realization.

At least the Jesuits were telling half the truth, and don't tell me that as the Greek proverb says, "Half the truth is the biggest lie", because this is sometimes true and sometimes not true.

The Jesuits were telling a half-truth when they claimed that a holy purpose can sanctify the means of its realization (which may, therefore, be dishonorables), because they were telling the basic lie that there are "holy purposes".

You adventurers of modern revolutionism are of course not telling the whole truth, that is to say that there are NO "holy purposes" but only human-social purposes, and you are not telling this truth, i.e. you are lying, because you are concealing the production by you of yours "purpose'' as '''holy''.

You verbally disguise, by hiding it, the designation ''holy'' in ''purpose'' with various transcendental equivalents which nevertheless mean the same as the designation ''holy''.

Like the feudal-capitalist revolution of the partisan bureaucrats, it took the institution of "minister" and christened it (at first) "Commissar".

It was the same, but the adventurous revolutionaries of modernity changed its name!

Thus the "holy purpose" changed its name and received many other names that meant "holy", the Supreme, therefore the Transcendent.

This is not just a repetition of a "half-lie" that can be "half-truth", but it is an all-round complete spherical and brazen Lie, already in the "half" of the sentence born by the Jesuits (so their more complex sentences were 'translated').

Let's go now to the other "half" of the sentence:

The Jesuits speak of legitimate "dishonorable means" to realize the "holy end", so they accept that they approve of the use of some "dishonorable means" as long as they serve to realize a "holy end".

Do the modern super-revolutionaries accept that the "dishonorable means" they will use are really "dishonorable"?

I have seen neither in Trotsky's essay nor in Lukács' statements, an honest acceptance that "dishonorable means" are accepted for the realization of their "holy purpose", which, as we said, is not called "holy'' but through other names that hidden their transcendentalism.

As for the anarchists, things are simple, and they have one name: Netzaev.

They are open in their declarations that they will use all means, not really caring to even define them as "dishonest" or "honest".

And their own "holy goal", the destruction of the state, is also not defined by them as "holy", since the modern religion of anarchism throws into the "fire of hell" any transcendentalism, whether it has the name of the "state" or it has the name of "god" ("Neither God, nor State", they say).

But why is transcendence/transcendentalism considered by them to exist only in the (term and alienation) "God" and in the (term and alienation) "State"?

Did they "forget" something? But of course, they also "forgot" themselves, their "pure, always self-determined" and rather monstrously huge Ego.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

Αντιστροφή (5). Mr. Lenin..

Mr. Lenin, the founder of state feudalcapitalism which has destroy us as radicals for a century and more, was on fire when he denounced the opportunism and adventurism in the labor left movement, but you intelligent believers or left-wing critics of Lenin (ultra-leftists and anarchist-autonomists), you still haven't "understood" that he was united with these unmoral attitudes, simply because you don't want your "common nature" with him to be revealed.

Lenin, like you, criticized opportunism-adventurism in relation to and in reference only to the "holy" goal of the workers' socialist-communist revolution with a perspective of society without exploitative social classes and without social classes in general (classless society).

It never occurred to you that there are NO "holy purposes", it never occurred to you that when you posit a social historical and class purpose as "holy" then it is inevitable that you fall into opportunism-adventurism and immoral purposelessness sectarian violence, as a means, to you do it.

Yes, you may not be an opportunist and an adventurer in relation to the "holy purpose", but since you have set it up as a "holy purpose", you will have opened the way for yourself to be an opportunist and an adventurer as to all other human affairs and their purposes.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

Αντιστροφή (4)

Ένα από ερωτήματα που δεν τίθενται από τους θεωρητικούς εκείνους τού ριζοσπαστισμού, οι οποίοι ψάχνουν και ψάχνουν τον τρόπο να μην κλίνουν προς τον ένα ιμπεριαλισμό για να πολεμήσουν τον άλλον:

Γιατί άραγε μόνον ο μη Δυτικός ιμπεριαλισμός κτίζει μιαν αντιιμπεριαλιστική ιδεολογία; 

Θα πούνε, μα δεν είναι αυθεντική, αληθινή, βαθιά αντιιμπεριαλιστική ιδεολογία, τούτη η ιδεολογία των μη δυτικών ιμπεριαλιστών, οπότε τι σημασία έχει αυτό το κτίσιμο από την σκοπιά των όντως όντων; (μα φυσικά, δεν θα μιλούσαν έτσι ακριβώς, πλατωνικά).

Αλήθεια λέτε; Δεν έχει σημασία μια δομημένη σε κράτη και συνασπισμούς απόλυτη υποκρισία; 

Μα που είναι πια αυτή η δυτική υποκρισία, η περιλάλητη;

Λέτε, λένε ψέματα λοιπόν οι δυτικοί, για την ισότητα, την ελευθερία, την Δημοκρατία, όλα αυτά μάσκες είναι, φλούδες, στολίδια που κρύβουν το αποτρόπαιο πρόσωπο των δυτικών ιμπεριαλιστών, αλλά πείτε μου, αφού πρώτα σκεφτείτε καλά: 

Η μάσκα τού αντιιμπεριαλισμού, την οποία φοράνε σχεδόν αποκλειστικά οι εχθροί των δυτικών κυρίαρχων, οι μη δυτικοί κυρίαρχοι, είναι άραγε για σας πιο ελαφριά, πιο αληθινή από την δυτική μάσκα, αν και ψευδής;

Μήπως για σας αυτή η μάσκα κρύβει εν εαυτώ μιαν αλήθεια; 

Γιατί, αυτό υποψιάζομαι, ότι ενώ οι μάσκες των δυτικών παρουσιάζονται για σας ως μη έχουσες κάποιαν άλλη ουσία πέραν αυτών των αποτρόπαιων που κρύβουν από πίσω τους, την ίδια στιγμή οι μάσκες των μη δυτικών παρουσιάζονται αλλιώς, σαν να έχουν ενδογενή αξία, με την έννοια ότι κουβαλούν μιαν αλήθεια -έστω κακοποιημένη αφότου εισήλθε στον ρόλο του στοιχείου μιας μάσκας.

Διευκρινίζω πιο συγκεκριμένα την καχυποψία μου τούτη:

Η ελευθερία, η ισότητα, η δημοκρατία, δέχονται την ανηλεή κριτική σας ως τάχα ήδη-στην-έναρξη τους ασθενείς αφαιρέσεις που χρειάζονται το συγκεκριμένο πρόσωπο τής ζωντανής κοινωνίας για να υπάρξουν ως πραγματικότητες, ενώ ο αντιιμπεριαλισμός ακόμα και ως μάσκα συγκρατεί τις ζωντανές ιδιότητες του, σαν η χρήση του ως μάσκας να μην μπορεί να του στερήσει έναν βαθμό ζωντάνιας και συγκεκριμένου φορτίου.

Οι αλλοιωμένες από τον Δυτικό καπιταλισμό-ιμπεριαλισμό ιδέες και αξίες της ελευθερίας, της ισότητας, τής δημοκρατίας, παρουσιάζονται από τους δυτικούς και μη δυτικούς αντιδυτικούς ως ήδη-στην-έναρξη τους ασθενείς αφαιρέσεις που εμπεριέχουν εν εαυτώ, ως τάχα αφηρημένες, την παθητικότητα τους, την ήττα τους, το ασθενές φορτίο τους, ενώ ο αντιιμπεριαλισμός, η μάσκα δηλαδή των εχθρών τής Δύσης, παρουσιάζεται σαν μια ιδέα ζωντανή και αληθινή από την γέννηση της, η οποία απλά πληγώνεται όταν αλλοιώνεται εισερχόμενη στην ιδεολογική μάσκα των μη δυτικών κυρίαρχων, όντας πλέον στοιχείο αυτής τής μάσκας.

--

Δεν θα εξαπατηθούμε άλλο, από την διάκριση αφαίρεσης και συγκεκριμένου, όταν μιλάμε για τις αξίες που γεννήθηκαν στην αρχαία Ελλάδα, την Ρώμη και την Δύση. 

Το συγκεκριμένο αυτών των αφαιρέσεων είναι η ακεραιότητα τους ως αφαιρέσεων.

Η επίκληση τους ως εχόντων αξία μόνον αν γίνουν συγκεκριμένες, γνωστή μαρξιστική αναρχική αλλά και ακροδεξιά επίκληση, εντός Δύσης, και όλα αυτά συν η φονταμενταλιστική Ανατολική δεσποτική επίκληση τους, στην (κυρίως ανατολική) μη Δύση, είναι ψεύτικες επικλήσεις, αυτές τούτες οι επικλήσεις είναι το μεγαλύτερο ψέμα, η πιο κρυμμένη ως μάσκα μάσκα τού ψέματος.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

Αντιστροφή (3)

Η λειτουργία, και ειδικά η ίδρυση των σύγχρονων κρατών, απαιτεί έναν ισχυρό βαθμό πίστης σε μια παράλογη ιδέα αδιάρρηκτης ενότητας των υποκειμένων που (θα) υπόκεινται στην εξουσία τους.

Αυτή η παράλογη πίστη έχει πάντα απέναντι της μιαν εξίσου παράλογη έλλειψη τής επιθυμίας για μιαν ενότητα των ανθρώπων υπό έναν καταναγκαστικό και συνάμα εθελοντικό κεντρικό εξουσιαστικό θεσμό.

Αυτός όμως ο αλληλοπροσδιορισμός τυφλής πίστης στην κυριαρχία και απιστίας στην πιθανότητα μιας έλλογης εξουσιαστικής πολιτικής ενότητας (μεταξύ) των ανθρώπων, δεν είναι διαλεκτικός, με την έννοια τής διαλεκτικής που θα σήμαινε ότι ο κάθε ένας όρος τού αλληλοπροσδιορισμού αποτελεί γενετική προϋπόθεση τού άλλου. 

Η θρησκεία τής κυριαρχίας που συνοδεύει την ίδρυση και την λειτουργία τής νεώτερης κυριαρχίας, αποτελεί, θαρρώ, τον όρο εκείνο που κυριαρχεί στον αρνητικό νοητικό αλληλοπροσδιορισμό τούτο, άρα τούτος ως αρχικό αίτιο αντιστοιχεί στην ίδια καθαυτή την οντολογική υλική ιεράρχηση τής κοινωνικο-ιστορικής πραγματικότητας που παρουσιάζει την ανάγκη μιας τυφλής εξουσιαστικής και κρατικής συνοχής ως αρχικό αίτιο.

Η αρνητική αντιστροφή τής πρακτικής αλλά και τής παράλογης πίστης περί μίας αδιάρρηκτης κρατικής εξουσιαστικής συνοχής παράγεται ως έχουσα την αιτία της στην πρακτική και την πίστη τούτη.

Αποτελεί ίσως αυτό το πιθανό γεγονός μια διαχρονική ηθικοπολιτική δικαιολόγηση τής αντιστροφής τούτης;

Νέτα σκέτα, έτσι για ξεκίνημα, όχι και πάλι όχι.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

Αντιστροφή (2)

Ακούγεται και είναι παράλογο, επίσης αδιέξοδο από τη σκοπιά τής όποιας κοινωνικής θέσμισης, να επιθυμεί ένα κοινωνικό ή ατομικό υποκείμενο να απαντήσει στην αδικία με αδικία, αλλά πείτε μου, πόσο εφικτό ή δίκαιο τελικά είναι να απαντήσει στην αδικία με δικαιοσύνη; 

Αν θεωρείται από τους αξιότιμους φιλοσόφους ότι δεν έχει νόημα να ασχοληθούν με μια σοφιστική ερώτηση, ας προσπαθήσουν να ρωτήσουν, φανταστικά βέβαια, τον Νίτσε ή τον Μαρξ, πως θα απαντούσαν σε ένα τέτοιο ερώτημα. 

Δεν θα ήταν οι μοναδικοί ίσως που θα θεωρούνταν αρμόδιοι για να απαντήσουν -κατά αποκλειστικότητα, στην νεώτερη εποχή. 

Δική μου είναι η επιθυμία ή η υπόθεση ότι αυτοί θα ήταν οι αρμόδιοι να απαντήσουν, σε μια τέτοια ερώτηση. 

Ίσως μάλιστα (θα ήταν) οι μοναδικοί ενδιαφερόμενοι.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος