Σάββατο 25 Φεβρουαρίου 2023

National independence for Kurdistan.

National independence for Kurdistan.
A nationally independent Kurdistan will decide whether to participate in a broader socialist or simply democratic federation, and not the other way round, as demanded by sectarianism and the compromised bourgeois and leftist Kurdish parties, which ask the Kurds to fight first for a socialist or democratic federation.
The Kurds will not find redemption and freedom without having secured from the outset and as a precondition their independence and the independence of their nation, which is one and has the right to exist in a separate geographical political form.
 
Εθνική ανεξαρτησία για το Κουρδιστάν.
Ένα εθνικά ανεξάρτητο Κουρδιστάν θα αποφασίσει αν θα συμμετάσχει σε μια ευρύτερη σοσιαλιστική ή απλά δημοκρατική ομοσπονδία, και όχι το αντίστροφο, όπως τού ζητά ο σεκταρισμός και τα συμβιβασμένα αστικά και αριστερά κουρδικά κόμματα, τα οποία ζητάνε από τους Κούρδους να πολεμήσουν πρώτα για μια σοσιαλιστική ή δημοκρατική ομοσπονδία.
Οι Κούρδοι δεν θα βρουν λύτρωση και ελευθερία χωρίς να έχουν διασφαλίσει εξαρχής και σαν προϋπόθεση την ανεξαρτησία τους και την ανεξαρτησία τού έθνους τους που είναι ένα και έχει δικαίωμα να υπάρχει σε ξεχωριστή γεωγραφική πολιτική μορφή.
 
Ιωάννης Τζανάκος
 
 
 
 

So why not state the obvious?

 
Two days ago I humorously posed the following question to an Irish friend on Facebook, who is of course left-wing (in a good way, by my own standards).
Assuming that there is a global left-wing public opinion, what percentage of them unreservedly support the Ukrainian struggle against fascist genocide by Russia?
After my question, there was a clarification, so to speak, as to why it was asked as a question.
Depending on the answer, I told my friend, I will judge whether my humility can define itself as left-wing humility, or whether I must finally discard this self-identification altogether.
The same goes for the anarchist space, etc.
Someone will reasonably say, "but man do you mind if the pro-Ukrainian stance is in the minority within the left?
Whatever is a minority position, you will belong to it until you together with the other participants (in that position) can make it the majority.
You will fight your fair struggle within the left, and in the end the truth will shine.."
I will answer as briefly as I can:
I have no more endurance to struggle for a lifetime as a minority position, within an ideological space that continues to show a fundamental difficulty in having a self-evident correct reflexivity towards obvious facts concerning international politics and ideological-value reality, as I mean it of course.
The post-WWII left is supposed to have changed its original doctrine to a pragmatic alliance-building when the problem is a global fascist threat.
This adjustment it made several times in a covert way, so that there would be a historical interval that would enable it to change some doctrines which history itself showed to be completely inadequate.
One of these doctrines was that we never ally with imperialist powers, or to put it in a Leninist way (which became a favorite way of the Maoists), we never develop a social-imperialism.
The historical reality that broke out in the second world war, crushed this position.
Being naive, I believed, as in other critical strategic issues, that the indirect and unacknowledged would at some point turn into open and acknowledged, but the very ideological-value reality of the left, worldwide, bitterly disproved me.
Never has a leftist managed to say what he necessarily did, and well he did, clearly, through speech and within his speech.
We also see this in the Ukrainian issue, where the best, that is, those who showed a directly correct attitude of support for the Ukrainian struggle, did NOT dare and do not dare to say what I said:
Yes, the alliance of a people, and also of us its supporters, with an imperialist camp, is right, it is necessary, it is proper, when there is a problem of survival of this people, and when this imperialist camp meets a minimum of ideological conditions.
So why not state the obvious?
When even the honest ideological-value minority within an ideological-value world has trouble speaking the truth that shatters false theological dogma, then why should I trust it even when become a majority trend?
And what is it about this doctrine that makes it so important that a political "ideological factor" with a global reach should hold it inviolable and sacred?
The same applies to many other doctrines and transcendental principles of the left (and of anarchism), which would take us days and nights to present to you.
The point of my post is simple:
It is not only that I disagree with some doctrines but also (that I disagree) with the way the left defends them.
This way shows a political and ideological essence that scares me, I think not without reason, because it directly refers to a hard religion, to a metaphysical ideological and political system of thought and action.
Great discussion, I will continue it, not only in relation to the left and anarchism, but now what is urgent for me is an immediate and final political and ideological personal decision.
--
 
Πριν δύο μέρες έθεσα με χιουμοριστικό τρόπο το εξής ερώτημα σε έναν Ιρλανδό φίλο στο Facebook, ο οποίος είναι φυσικά αριστερός (με την καλή έννοια, κατά τα δικά μου κριτήρια).
Αν υποθέσουμε ότι υπάρχει μια παγκόσμια αριστερή κοινή γνώμη, ποιο είναι το ποσοστό αυτών που υποστηρίζουν ανεπιφύλακτα τον ουκρανικό αγώνα ενάντια στην φασιστική γενοκτονία εκ μέρους τής Ρωσίας;
Μετά από το ερώτημα μου αυτό, υπήρχε μια ούτως ειπείν διευκρίνιση, για τον λόγο για τον οποίο τέθηκε ως ερώτημα.
Αναλόγως τής απάντησης, είπα στον φίλο μου, θα κρίνω αν η ταπεινότητα μου μπορεί να αυτοπροσδιορίζεται σαν αριστερή ταπεινότητα ή αν πρέπει επιτέλους να αποβάλλω δια παντός αυτόν τον αυτοπροσδιορισμό.
Το ίδιο ισχύει για τον αναρχικό χώρο κ.λπ.
Θα πει εύλογα κάποιος, "μα άνθρωπε μου σε πειράζει αν η φιλο-ουκρανική στάση είναι μειονοτική μέσα στην αριστερά;
Τι κι αν είναι μειονοτική στάση, εσύ θα ανήκεις σε αυτήν ώσπου μαζί με τους άλλους συμμετέχοντες (σε αυτή την στάση) να μπορέσετε να την κάνετε πλειονοτική.
Θα κάνετε τον τίμιο αγώνα σας εντός τής αριστεράς, και στο τέλος η αλήθεια θα λάμψει..".
Θα απαντήσω εν συντομία, όσο μπορώ:
Δεν έχω άλλες αντοχές να αγωνίζομαι μια ζωή ως μειονοτική στάση, εντός ενός ιδεολογικού χώρου που συνεχίζει να δείχνει θεμελιώδη δυσκολία στο να έχει μιαν αυτονόητη ορθή αντανακλαστικότητα απέναντι σε προφανή γεγονότα που αφορούν την διεθνή πολιτική και ιδεολογική-αξιακή πραγματικότητα, όπως την εννοώ εγώ βέβαια.
Η αριστερά μετά τον δεύτερο παγκόσμιο πόλεμο υποτίθεται ότι είχε προσαρμόσει το αρχικό δόγμα της σε σχέση με την ρεαλιστική συγκρότηση συμμαχιών όταν το πρόβλημα είναι ένας παγκόσμιας εμβέλειας φασιστικός κίνδυνος.
Αυτή την προσαρμογή την επιτέλεσε πολλές φορές με υπόρρητο τρόπο, ώστε να υπάρχει ένα ιστορικό χρονικό διάστημα που να τής δώσει την δυνατότητα να αλλάξει μερικά θέσφατα και δόγματα που φανερώθηκαν από την ίδια την ιστορία ως εντελώς ανεπαρκή.
Ένα από αυτά τα δόγματα ήταν ότι ποτέ δεν συμμαχούμε με ιμπεριαλιστικές δυνάμεις, ή για να το πω με λενινιστικό τρόπο (που έγινε ένας προσφιλής στους μαοικούς τρόπος), δεν αναπτύσσουμε ποτέ έναν σοσιαλιμπεριαλισμό.
Η ιστορική πραγματικότητα που ξέσπασε στον δεύτερο παγκόσμιο πόλεμο, συνέτριψε αυτή την θέση.
Όντας σε αφέλεια, πίστεψα, όπως και σε άλλα κρίσιμα στρατηγικά ζητήματα, ότι το έμμεσο και το ανομολόγητο, κάποια στιγμή θα μετατρέπονταν σε ανοιχτό και ομολογημένο, αλλά η ίδια η ιδεολογική-αξιακή πραγματικότητα τής αριστεράς, παγκόσμια, με διέψευσε οικτρά.
Ποτέ ένας αριστερός δεν κατόρθωσε να πει αυτό που αναγκαστικά έπραξε, και καλώς έπραξε, καθαρά, δια τού λόγου και εντός τού λόγου του.
Το βλέπουμε αυτό και στο ουκρανικό ζήτημα, όπου οι καλύτεροι, αυτοί δηλαδή που έδειξαν μίαν άμεσα ορθή στάση υποστήριξης τού ουκρανικού αγώνα, ΔΕΝ τόλμησαν ούτε τολμούν να πούνε αυτό που εγώ είπα:
Ναι, η συμμαχία ενός λαού, αλλά και ημών των υποστηρικτών του, με ένα ιμπεριαλιστικό στρατόπεδο, είναι ορθή, είναι απαραίτητη, είναι πρέπουσα, όταν υπάρχει πρόβλημα επιβίωσης αυτού τού λαού, και όταν αυτό το ιμπεριαλιστικό στρατόπεδο πληροί ένα minimum ιδεολογικών προϋποθέσεων.
Γιατί λοιπόν δεν λέγεται το προφανές;
Όταν ακόμα και η τίμια ιδεολογική-αξιακή μειονότητα εντός ενός ιδεολογικού-αξιακού κόσμου έχει πρόβλημα να πει την αλήθεια που θραύει το αναληθές θεολογικό δόγμα, τότε γιατί να την εμπιστευτώ ακόμα κι αυτήν αν θα γίνει πλειονοτική τάση;
Και τι σημαίνει αυτό το δόγμα που το καθιστά τόσο σημαντικό ώστε να το κρατήσει ένας πολιτικός ιδεολογικός παράγοντας που έχει παγκόσμια εμβέλεια αλώβητο και ιερό;
Το ίδιο ισχύει για πολλά άλλα δόγματα και υπερβατικές αρχές τής αριστεράς (και τού αναρχισμού), που θα μας χρειάζονταν μέρες και νύχτες για να σας τα παρουσιάσω.
Το νόημα της θέσης μου είναι απλό:
Δεν είναι μόνον ότι διαφωνώ και με κάποια δόγματα αλλά επίσης (ότι διαφωνώ) με τον τρόπο που η αριστερά τα υπερασπίζεται.
Ο τρόπος αυτός δείχνει μια πολιτική και ιδεολογική ουσία που με φοβίζει, νομίζω όχι άδικα, διότι παραπέμπει άμεσα σε μια σκληρή θρησκεία, σε ένα μεταφυσικό ιδεολογικό και πολιτικό σύστημα σκέψης και δράσης.
Μεγάλη συζήτηση, θα την συνεχίσω, όχι μόνο σε σχέση με την αριστερά και τον αναρχισμό, αλλά τώρα αυτό που επείγει για μένα είναι μια άμεση και τελική πολιτική και ιδεολογική προσωπική απόφαση.
 
Ιωάννης Τζανάκος
 
 

Imagine when the regime falls in Iran..

At first, joking a little.
Imagine when the regime falls in Iran, what.. nice political interactions there will be in the post-theocratic political scene -of the street though.
Crazy royalist Persians who think they belong to the "Persian-Aryan race" and hate everyone else, want a monarchy, communists who think it's time for a socialist revolution, ethnic minorities or nations who want to secede, and of course quite a few supporters of theocracy even if has just fallen, but so have other groups.
Everything will be transformed in good, if -at least initially transitory, will transform into a multi-party democracy otherwise there will be a bloodbath.
They need all of them prudence and realism, as long as the destructive of the Pahlavi-scenario about the triumphant return of the Shah ceases in advance.
The only thing that would "enable" the royalists not to destroy everything, but also their stupid selves, would be to build an ultra-conservative party and nothing else. Otherwise, they lead Iran to an absolute dead end.
 
Iran.
In the first revolution, the mutuallymirroring between far-right fascist royalist semi-secular absolutism and emerging left-nationalist bonapartism (which had both a secular and a semi-secular wing), was reflected (as mutuallymirroring) in the theocratic bonapartism.
Today, already at the beginning of the second great Iranian revolution, the game with Iranian mirrors has become even more dangerous and impasse.
I am unable, not only because I am a foreigner and irrelevant, to understand where this game of political and ideological mutuallymirroring will go in Iran.
 
The most consistent non-compromise of the Iranian democratic revolutionary forces, apart from class-worker non-compromise (respectable logic, perhaps even holy, I have followed it for 54 years), would be possible if an open parliamentary multi-party institution (consisting of freely elected by society representatives) would emerge as the dominant representative political body of the entire social body.
Now, why aren't the Iranian leftists saying this?
Because are they perhaps afraid of "becoming bourgeois"?
I don't know what to tell you anymore.
May the Buddha enlighten them.
I now give up the arguments.
Everyone is dear to me.
Good luck.
----
Ο πιο συνεπής μη συμβιβασμός των ιρανικών δημοκρατικών επαναστατικών δυνάμεων, εκτός τού ταξικού εργατικού μη συμβιβασμού (σεβαστή λογική, ίσως και σεβάσμια, την ακολουθούσα 54 χρόνια), θα ήταν εφικτός, αν εδραιώνονταν ένας ανοιχτός κοινοβουλευτικός πολυκομματικός θεσμός (απαρτισμένος από ελεύθερα εκλεγμένους από την κοινωνία αντιπροσώπους), ως κυρίαρχο αντιπροσωπευτικό πολιτικό σώμα όλου του κοινωνικού σώματος.
Τώρα, γιατί οι Ιρανοί αριστεροί δεν το λένε αυτό;
Γιατί ίσως φοβούνται ότι θα γίνουν μπουρζουαζία; δεν ξέρω πλέον να σας πω.
Ο Βούδας ας τους φωτίσει.
Εγώ πλέον εγκαταλείπω την επιχειρηματολογία.
Όλοι μου είναι αγαπητοί.
Καλή τύχη.
--
They told you, they told him, you heard, you heard that someone heard, that the West does not want to help the people of Iran to overthrow the theocratic regime, because it is cold and only thinks of its own interests.
But if it goes to help then it is imperialistic.
You in the east don't know what you want sometimes.
First decide what your limits are in terms of the help you want from the West, then let's discuss what the West wants, what the West is, etc.
--
Σου είπαν, τού είπαν, άκουσες, άκουσες ότι κάποιος άκουσε, ότι η Δύση δεν θέλει να βοηθήσει τον λαό τού Ιράν να ρίξει το θεοκρατικό καθεστώς, γιατί είναι ψυχρή και σκέφτεται μόνο τα συμφέροντα της.
Αν όμως πάει να βοηθήσει τότε είναι ιμπεριαλιστική.
Εσείς εκεί στην ανατολή, δεν ξέρετε τι θέλετε μερικές φορές.
Αποφασίστε πρώτα ποια είναι τα όρια σας ως προς την βοήθεια που θέλετε από τη Δύση, και μετά ας συζητήσουμε τι θέλει η Δύση, τι είναι η Δύση κ.λπ.
--
 
The West helped Ukraine after Ukraine stood alone without any help at first, having only its democratic values, its united people and its clown hero president.
We democrats want to be Clowns, you see, you the serious leftist anti-imperialists, what are you?
--
 
Ιωάννης Τζανάκος
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Nations living within but on the limits of a world-wide sovereign entity..

Abandoning the geographical boundary of a sovereignty on its part would mean the ultimate collapse of that sovereignty.
Putin knows this, not because he defends the limits of the sovereignty he represents, as most leftists on the planet (not all) and almost all extreme rightists on the planet say.
Ukraine is not a threat to Russian sovereignty, not even if we mean this sovereignty as part of a wider (imperialist) sovereignty, Ukraine has always been and today especially is an essentially Western country, this indicates the constant will of its inhabitants over time when they can express this will freely.
This is known by Putin and the Russian fascist elite who are a continuation of the pseudo-socialist Great Russian Soviet elite, and what they really want is to strategically cause the fall and deconstruction of the West as a whole, which may go as far as the colonization of Europe and isolation then of the US in its shell.
As a person who belongs to a country on the borders of the West, which is both a colony of it but also a constituent part of it, I believe that my own people, the Greek people, have no room to accept such a scenario, the dissolution of the Western empire that is, in the way that all anti-Westerners imagine this together today, each type of anti-Western differently but all types of anti-Western together, in a vile barbaric vindictive and reactionary way.
It may be that some, mainly anarchists and leftists, imagine beautiful and ideal ways through which there will be a dissolution of all geopolitically formed coalitions and worlds, and thus also imagine the dissolution of the world of Western domination, in which we live and they live with us , but I, for example, and anyone who does not live with imagination and visions in their sleep and wakefulness, I do not intend to listen to nonsense about my life and the lives of my fellow citizens on this side, on this border of Western domination .
In this sense, the support of Ukraine is posed for me and for all those who think like me, as aware of WHERE we are, as a matter of life and death, as an immediately vital issue that can no longer be debated.
In this sense, even more so, the special interests and special values of those Western or Western-oriented peoples who live right on the borders of this new Asian aggression prompt them to be more cruel towards it compared to peoples who live in a more safe hinterland of western sovereignty.
We, e.g. Greeks, Poles, Ukrainians, and others, we don't have the possibility for other alternatives, as perhaps the citizens and workers or petty bourgeois of the USA have.
--
 
Η εγκατάλειψη τού γεωγραφικού ορίου μιας κυριαρχίας από μέρους της θα σήμαινε την τελική κατάρρευση αυτής τής κυριαρχίας, κάποτε.
Αυτό το ξέρει ο Πούτιν, όχι διότι αμύνεται για τα όρια τής κυριαρχίας που εκπροσωπεί, όπως λένε οι περισσότεροι αριστεροί τού πλανήτη (όχι όλοι) και σχεδόν όλοι οι ακροδεξιοί τού πλανήτη.
Η Ουκρανία δεν αποτελεί απειλή για την ρωσική κυριαρχία, ούτε αν εννοήσουμε αυτή την κυριαρχία μέρος μιας ευρύτερης (ιμπεριαλιστικής) κυριαρχίας, η Ουκρανία ήταν πάντα και σήμερα ειδικά είναι μια ουσιαστικά δυτική χώρα, αυτό υποδηλώνει η σταθερή βούληση των κατοίκων της διαχρονικά όταν τούτοι μπορούν να εκφράσουν αυτή τους τη βούληση ελεύθερα.
Αυτό το ξέρει ο Πούτιν και η ρωσική φασιστική ελίτ που αποτελεί συνέχεια τής ψευτοσοσιαλιστικής μεγαλορωσικής σοβιετικής ελίτ, και αυτό που πραγματικά θέλει είναι να προκαλέσει στρατηγικά την πτώση και αποδόμηση τής Δύσης στο σύνολο της, που μπορεί να φτάσει ως την αποικιοποίηση τής Ευρώπης και την απομόνωση τότε των ΗΠΑ στο καβούκι τους.
Ως άνθρωπος που ανήκω σε μια χώρα των συνόρων τής Δύσης, η οποία είναι μεν αποικία της αλλά και συστατικό μέρος της, θεωρώ ότι ο δικός μου λαός, ο Ελληνικός λαός, δεν έχει κανένα περιθώριο να δεχτεί ένα τέτοιο σενάριο, την διάλυση τής δυτικής αυτοκρατορίας δηλαδή, με τον τρόπο που το φαντασιωνονται αυτό όλοι μαζί οι αντιδυτικοί σήμερα, ο κάθε τύπος αντιδυτικού διαφορετικά αλλά όλοι οι τύποι αντιδυτικών μαζί, με έναν άθλιο βάρβαρο εκδικητικό και αντιδραστικό τρόπο.
Μπορεί μερικοί, αναρχικοί και αριστεροί κυρίως, να φαντάζονται ωραίους και ιδανικούς τρόπους μέσω των οποίων θα υπάρξει διάλυση όλων των γεωπολιτικά διαμορφωμένων συνασπισμών και κόσμων, και έτσι να φαντάζονται επίσης την διάλυση τού κόσμου τής δυτικής κυριαρχίας, στον οποίο ζούμε και ζούνε κι αυτοί μαζί μας, αλλά εγώ λ.χ και όποιος δεν ζει με υποθέσεις φαντασιακής εργασίας και οράματα στον ύπνο και τον ξύπνιο του, δεν προτίθεμαι να ακούω μαλακίες για τη ζωή μου και την ζωή των συμπολιτών μου σε αυτή την άκρη, σε αυτό το σύνορο τής Δυτικής κυριαρχίας.
Υπό αυτή την έννοια, η υποστήριξη τής Ουκρανίας τίθεται για μένα και για όλους αυτούς που σκέφτονται όπως εγώ, ως συνειδητοποιούντες ΠΟΥ βρισκόμαστε, ως μια υπόθεση ζωής και θανάτου, ως ένα άμεσα ζωτικό ζήτημα στο οποίο δεν χωράει πλέον συζήτηση.
Υπό αυτή την έννοια μάλιστα, ακόμα περισσότερο, τα ειδικά συμφέροντα και οι ειδικές αξίες αυτών των δυτικών ή δυτικότροπων λαών που ζούνε ακριβώς πάνω στα σύνορα αυτής τής νέας ασιατικής επίθεσης τους ωθούν να είναι περισσότερο σκληροί απέναντι της σε σύγκριση με λαούς που ζούνε σε μια πιο ασφαλή ενδοχώρα τής δυτικής κυριαρχίας.
Εμείς, λ.χ Έλληνες, Πολωνοί, Ουκρανοί, και άλλοι, δεν έχουμε την δυνατότητα για άλλες εναλλακτικές, όπως ίσως έχουν λ.χ οι πολίτες και οι εργάτες ή οι μικροαστοί των ΗΠΑ.
--
Nations living within but on the limits of a world-wide sovereign entity, "within-out of-the-boundaries" of a sovereign supranational subsystem, are necessarily thrust into a paradoxical relationship with the so-called hinterland of that subsystem, but also into an equally paradoxical relationship with other - the competitive to their familiar - global subsystem of sovereignty.
We necessarily speak generally, by means of horrible generalizations, so that you may understand the position of these nations as the Ianus of international politics, where, however, the double gaze of Ianus should not be regarded as equivalent in its two limbs.
The new Greece, for example, always looks outside the West, but its gaze since it was founded as a new nation remains a gaze within the West.
Because it was founded on the border of the West, being itself a movement of the border of the West towards the East, it is always in a position of danger, in the sense that the West itself neither wants nor can guarantee its absolute security vis-à-vis the Asian despotism (because the West is not only a cultural institution but also a coalition of domination), but also treats this country as a luxurious colony, suitable for the implementation of economic imperialist despotism, ideological Western fantasy, but also ideological humiliation when the West has its nerve with the neo-Greeks when do they not suit to its direct sovereign, economic and political interests.
Then the West forgets modern Greece as a humble but living continuation of ancient Greece, and through its propagandists proclaims that it has nothing to do with ancient Greece but is a mish-mash of mixed bastards, Albanians (yes, we have a large Albanian contribution to our new nation and it is our honor, those of us who do not have a racial cultural complex) and Slavs, etc., a Byzantine extremity.
So then the western rulers of this luxurious and semi-independent colony, remind the neo-Greeks that they are unworthy bearers of a great name, then the neo-Greeks remember again that they are alone on this border that they were destined to live and emerge as a new nation.
So then, the double gaze of Ianus that is called modern Greece exists as a gaze towards the east, towards the non-western sovereign world.
I said all this so that some people, inside and outside of Greece, understand what it means for a country and a nation to live on the borders of a sovereign world, so that they can stop deceiving themselves about the stability of some self-identifications and hetero-identifications.
Everything is played, not every day, but everything is played in this life, especially if you live "within" the limits of a house.
 
-- 
 
Τα έθνη που ζούνε εντός μεν αλλά στα όρια μιας παγκοσμίου εμβέλειας κυριαρχικής οντότητας, "εντός-στα όρια" ενός κυριαρχικού υπερεθνικού υποσυστήματος, ωθούνται αναγκαστικά σε μια παράδοξη σχέση με την ούτως ειπείν ενδοχώρα αυτού τού υποσυστήματος, αλλά επίσης σε μια εξίσου παράδοξη σχέση με το άλλο -το ανταγωνιστικό προς το οικείο τους- παγκόσμιο υποσύστημα κυριαρχίας.
Μιλάμε αναγκαστικά γενικά, μέσω φρικτών γενικεύσεων, ούτως ώστε να κατανοήσετε την θέση των εθνών αυτών ως Ιανών τής διεθνούς πολιτικής, όπου όμως το διπλό βλέμμα τού Ιανού ας μη θεωρηθεί ως ισοδύναμο ως προς τα δύο σκέλη του.
Η νέα Ελλάδα λ.χ κοιτάει πάντα και εκτός Δύσης, αλλά το βλέμμα της από τότε που ιδρύθηκε ως νέο έθνος παραμένει βλέμμα εντός τής Δύσης.
Επειδή ιδρύθηκε πάνω στο όριο τής Δύσης, όντας η ίδια μία μετακίνηση τού ορίου τής Δύσης προς τα ανατολικά, βρίσκεται πάντα σε μια θέση κινδύνου, με την έννοια ότι η ίδια η Δύση δεν θέλει ούτε δύναται να τής εγγυηθεί την απόλυτη ασφάλεια της απέναντι στον ασιατικό δεσποτισμό (διότι η Δύση δεν είναι πολιτισμικό ίδρυμα μόνον αλλά επίσης συνασπισμός κυριαρχίας), αλλά επίσης αντιμετωπίζει τη χώρα αυτή και ως πολυτελή αποικία, κατάλληλη για την εφαρμογή οικονομικού ιμπεριαλιστικού δεσποτισμού, ιδεολογικής δυτικής φαντασίωσης, αλλά και ιδεολογικής ταπείνωσης όταν η Δύση έχει τα νεύρα της με τους νέους Έλληνες και δεν τής ταιριάζουν στα άμεσα κυριαρχικά, οικονομικά και πολιτικά συμφέροντα της.
Τότε η Δύση ξεχνάει τη μοντέρνα Ελλάδα ως ταπεινή μεν αλλά ζωντανή συνέχεια τής αρχαίας Ελλάδας, και μέσω των προπαγανδιστών της διακηρύσσει ότι δεν έχει σχέση με την αρχαία Ελλάδα αλλά είναι ένα συνονθύλευμα μπάσταρδων μιγάδων, Αλβανών (ναι, έχουμε μεγάλη αλβανική συνεισφορά στο νέο έθνος μας και είναι τιμή μας, όσοι δεν έχουμε φυλετικό πολιτισμικό κόμπλεξ) και Σλάβων κ.λπ, ένα βυζαντινό έκτρωμα.
Τότε λοιπόν οι δυτικοί κυρίαρχοι αυτής τής πολυτελούς και ημι-ανεξάρτητης αποικίας, θυμίζουν στους νεοέλληνες Έλληνες ότι είναι ανάξιοι φορείς ενός σπουδαίου ονόματος, τότε οι νεοέλληνες Έλληνες θυμούνται ξανά ότι είναι μόνοι πάνω σε αυτό το όριο που τούς έλαχε να ζήσουν και να αναδυθούν ως νέο έθνος.
Τότε λοιπόν, το διπλό βλέμμα τού Ιανού που λέγεται σύγχρονη Ελλάδα υπάρχει ως βλέμμα προς την ανατολή, προς τον μη δυτικό κυριαρχικό κόσμο.
Τα είπα όλα αυτά για να καταλάβουν μερικοί, εντός και εκτός Ελλάδας, τι σημαίνει να ζει μια χώρα και ένα έθνος στα όρια ενός κυριαρχικού κόσμου, ώστε να πάψουν να αυταπατώνται για την σταθερότητα μερικών αυτοπροσδιορισμών και ετεροπροσδιορισμών.
Όλα παίζονται, όχι κάθε μέρα, αλλά όλα παίζονται σε αυτή τη ζωή, ειδικά αν ζεις στα όρια ενός οίκου.
--
 
Ιωάννης Τζανάκος
 
 
 
 
 


Reply to the Iranian Communist's (Torab Saleth) article on the constituent assembly.

Reply to the Iranian Communist's (Torab Saleth) article on the constituent assembly.
1.
He rightly accepts that this demand is not exclusively reformist, nor limited to a bourgeois outcome and demarcation of the revolution.
However, it does not refer more extensively to the structures of democracy that a non bourgeois version of the revolution will bring.
What little and hypothetical is said on his part sounds rather like a typical Bolshevik falsification of the free will of the people, despite his efforts, indeed, not to dogmatically follow the institutional logic of the Bolsheviks. The triple system of representation he proposes can work precisely as a falsification of the immediacy of the electoral process.
2.
There is no mention of the historical failure of bureaucratic and sectarian communism to help create a truly democratic central representative body composed of freely elected representatives of (socialist) society.
Like all Marxists today he speaks as is being in a historical metaphysical Beyond, in which Marxism had no negative contribution to the destruction of the possibility of a real workers' socialist democracy.
3.
He rightly judges the impossibility of conceptualizing the socialist revolution not exclusively in relation to the workers' councils, but the broader political body that he posits as possibly adequate does not meet the needs of a modern representative workers' democracy, since it is understood as non-regional and non-local/geographically determined.
It is even considered that the geographical definition of democracy is limited to bourgeois contexts.
However, a democracy without narrow and at the same time broad geographical territorial determination in relation to the principle that each vote has the same institutional weight in relation to another (one person one vote), does not exist.
 
Ιωάννης Τζανάκος
 

Πέμπτη 23 Φεβρουαρίου 2023

Iran. No way out.

The Iranian society and youth rose up, but what political prospects were offered to it by the given political camps of the opposition?
The monarchist and their semi-liberal followers propose a pro-Western regime with vague, rather absolutist powers for the Shah, with no guarantee of the establishment of a sovereign representative body of freely elected representatives of the people.
The Iranian left is closer to democracy, but as it is fixated on Soviet or neo-leftist (also sectarian) models of democracy, it also does not propose anything specific for the emergence and consolidation of such a sovereign political body (of freely elected representatives of the people).
The Iranian people are asking for a way out of the theocratic regime, and those responsible for charting this path are unable to transcend their authoritarian political ideological traditions.
The biggest responsibility for the destruction of the democratic political horizon is taken by the monarchists, they are completely stupid and reactionary, but this does not mean that the Iranian left is in good shape.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

Τετάρτη 22 Φεβρουαρίου 2023

Your hypocrisy chokes me..

The judge and the judged each say what their position dictates and they always say the same thing according to their position.
Thus, when the judge become judged, he says what the one who was under his judgment said before, and so, also, he who was before judged and became a judge (the judge to the one who judged him before), says the same as it said the now-judged when it was judge.

Your hypocrisy chokes me.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

Their master.

The favorite child of Marxists, Russia, has made another imperialist intervention today, and Western mainstream Marxism is keeping quiet. From tomorrow, Marxist analyzes of equal distances will be launched, again blaming the West. 

Who does this? mainly Western Marxists. 

Their own boss bothers them, they hate him, and they will not cry more than normal if their enemy's enemy rapes a country. 

The world is theirs, the high intellect is theirs, the problem is theirs, their master is the worst because he is THEIR master. 

The other master, the one who is away from their ass, can be a little useful for their purpose of building their own socialism, their own paradise. But how much they look like their master! how much they look like their own enemy! they are western, but more western than the "normal" western rulers. 

Their anti-Westernism stinks of colonialism in reverse, their anti-imperialism is selective, because what concerns them mainly is their over-inflated philanthropic and narcissistic radicalism, and their own Father-master. 

They are the prodigal sons of their Father, they target their own Father mainly, they do not care about the rape of other peoples by their own Fathers-Monsters. 

They only care about their own Father-Rapist-Monster, the Fathers-Monsters of non- Western peoples seem in their eyes somewhat likeable, for everything only their "own" Father is responsible because he is "THEIR OWN" Father.

The Eastern fascists appear to them as extensions of their "own" Fascists, since their own Fascists are a more important enemy because they are their familiar enemy. 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

Melodramatic anti-NATO language.

According to the melodramatic language of the left, NATO is a "criminal organization", while what was the "Warsaw Pact"? flower shop? and who did the operation in Czechoslovakia in 1968? The aliens? Who performed the operation in Hungary in 1956? People from space?

Who suppressed the free will of the Polish people? The inhabitants of Patagonia?

Who supported all the bloodthirsty Ba'athist regimes in the Arab world? William Shakespeare?

Who made the first invasion of Afghanistan after wolrldwar 2 ? Julius Caesar?

Yes, NATO can be called a criminal organization if the same is done with the Warsaw Pact, the pact of the pseudo-communist countries of non-existent - existing real or not, socialism.

Also, because there is the Hitlerist-Nazi-inspired argument that it is not permissible to have a NATO presence next to Russia, I would say the following:

Why shouldn't the opposite be the case when there was a Warsaw Pact? Let's say that next to Greece was Bulgaria, which was a member of the Warsaw Pact, so Greece had to declare war on Bulgaria according to this ugly "logic"?

The "logic" that next to a strong country there should be no threat, in the sense that there should be a ban on arming its neighbors if they belong to another military coalition or have alliances with the enemies of that powerful country was exactly  the argument used by the Nazis, in accordance with the doctrine of "living space". The same argument is used today by Turkey, which demands the disarmament of the Greek islands, because ... it is threatened by Greece. 

There was once an agreement to demilitarize the Greek islands, on the condition that the Greek minority in  Istanbul, Imvros and Tenedos [Greek islands under the Turkish state], be protected, and this did not happen: Happened rapes and arsons by Turkish nationalists (especially in Istanbul, where there were many) and the Greeks gones all out . 

So Turkey, using the same Nazi arguments as Russia, is calling for the demilitarization of the Greek islands because it says its hinterland is in danger. 

Lies, reversal of reality, violation of all international rules, brazen threats, immoral propaganda.

But let's continue:

And tell me, when Castro wanted to bring nuclear weapons to Cuba, was he right or not? If it did, why does Ukraine not have it accordingly, and if it did not, why are you defending Castro?

I forgot, you are also defending the adventurer handsome man Castro's comrade who would preferred a nuclear war event, to have nuclear weapons in Cuba.

Pro-Sovietism and later, today, pro-Russianism of the left is a spiritual cancer.

---

The fact that the imperialist east is not at the top of the imperialist pyramid does not make it any better. It probably makes it worse. See Germany in the interwar period. The vengeful ''wronged'' imperialist powers are always worse! Don't be so naive anymore! Both the new-Turks and Kemal came after the development of nationalism in the Balkans (which also operated with ethnic cleansing, etc.), showed themselves as victims of Western imperialism and finally ended up committing 3 genocides! not one, 3!

People of the east, workers of the east, wake up from your Marxist lethargy, is this Marxism? I don't know, but I know that you have not yet stood up, and listened the flattery of the anti-Western Western(!) leftists, which because they are incapable of making a workers' revolution in their countries are waiting for you as their ideological salvation but want you to defeat their own special internal class enemy, without caring about your own terrible internal class enemy, which is the Eastern imperialists and capitalists.

Let the western leftists defeat their own enemy mainly with their own forces, and then ask you for help for it, after letting you concentrate on your own enemy. 

--

I came to this world to whip you with truths. 

Your comrades in the west are constantly flattering you, calling you to their countries for help, because they are incapable of doing anything other than anarcho-syndicalism for high school students.

You come or live through the fire, you have crossed mountains and seas, you have been persecuted by rulers who do not joke, they kill in the cold, while the western left and anarchists have participated in marches at most, they may have thrown some Molotov cocktails, but they are unable to take part in any military revolutionary formation, and if some of them finally succeed, they are presented here in the west as if they were the gunpowder-smoked Guevara in person. They brag like generals about what a Kurdish or Afghan farmer does to defend himself daily against ISIS or the Taliban. 

Everything you have to do for yourself, and you do it anonymously, sacrificing yourself anonymously, for them it's a Joker movie adventure. 

--

The wrong anti-imperialist distance:

''Even though NATO provoked the war, this does not mean that we agree with Putin..''

The right anti-imperialist distance:

''Although Putin and Russia provoked the war, this does not mean that we agree with the West and the United States..''

Everything else is nonsense of people who have not understood the extreme reactionary role of the new Eastern imperialism. 


Ιωάννης Τζανάκος



The Kurdish nation.

The reason why Kurdish left-wing patriots are turning to separatist nationalism is that you, the super-internationalists, Iranian communists, under the guise of hypocritical internationalism, are you denying the Kurdish people the right to autonomy within a democratic federation. 

The ideological attack and slander they have exercised e.g. the Hekmatists against the federal idea leads the Kurds directly to the idea of secession, and so super-internationalism is once again revealed as a tool of chauvinism of the powerful ethnic groups (in this case the Persian national majority once again), on the basis of the ''logic'' of assimilation and cultural alienation of oppressed and weak ethnic groups. 

What else can these ethnic groups, such as the Kurds, do but turn to autonomism after all this? 

It was inevitable, and in this light it was entirely expected that Komala would disintegrate again and that a united Kurdish national front would emerge, beyond vague, imaginary chimerical and ultimately dubious internationalisms, which always "accidentally" prevent an ethnicity, a nation, to find its own independent path.

In the beginning there was the possibility of a federal democracy, but the Iranian communists blocked it, they wanted everything, now they will have nothing. 

The Kurdish nation is finding its way, like any other nation. 


Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

Secular religions

Secular religions have a quality that gives them both an advantage and a disadvantage compared to purely transcendental religions: the hope for the realization of the heavenly vision on earth.

When this heavenly vision is "applied" there are some problems, paradise then appears either as a semi-paradise (at best) or as a normal hell. But even then, if the visionaries are at a guaranteed great spatial distance, then the vision can remain intact, with propaganda lies and ideological drugs. That is why modern ideological religions keep their "self" strong when they "operate" idealizations from a safe distance, "away from our ass".

But when the existence of this false State ceases, when the realization of Paradise collapses even far away from us, then there is a problem. Paradise was fake, even though it existed somewhere as a Name as a point as a flag, while now it has disappeared from the earth, so what do we do?  

Here is the disadvantage compared to purely transcendental religions: 

The (imaginary too) Paradise of purely transcendental religions is so ... far away that no refutation can touch it.

The wounded visionaries of the worldly Paradise, however, counterattack and close their deep wound with a new vision, of a distant place, yet existing on earth again.

So they discover new exotic movements, heavenly, far removed from their ass.

And the life of religions goes on.

Amen. 


Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

Hekmat and Kurdistan.

Hekmat slandered the idea of ​​a federation as a vehicle for Kurdish nationalism and said in one of his sophistic arguments something like this: Leave the idea of ​​a federation, if you want you can leave a united socialist Iran, but federation? No. 

It put the Kurds in front of a blackmailing ideological and political dilemma, which in fact functioned and functions as an ideological-moral repression. When you put someone in front of such a dilemma, you are actually depriving them of the opportunity to think beyond the terms of a metaphysically meant extreme polarization in which there are only two absolute possibilities and thus moderate intermediate solutions are ruled out. Because people know that secession means bad things, you push them to accept a somewhat better scenario, to exist in a single territory without direct oppression, thus wanting to make them forget the really best scenario which is the federation. 

Ultra-Communist ideological chauvinism that fits snugly with the wishes of the Persian ethnic majority and with the ideology of the ethnically assimilated Kurds whether they are communists or not.

Thus, through the assimilation of Kurdish left-wing patriots and nationalists through an abstract super-internationalist Marxism, there was no national movement analogous to that which existed in Turkey. The chauvinist Turkish Maoists and communists did the same, but the great leader of the Kurdish people, Ocalan, blocked their way, establishing a great and militarily incomparably effective national democratic movement. 

If Ocalan had not prevailed in the factional struggle, even by hard means, there would be nothing in Turkish-occupied Kurdistan today, and the Kurdish-Turkish Marxist-Leninist left would still be discussing exactly what Marx, Lenin and Mao said in the letter ''a'' or ''b'' etc. 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

Stalin and Trotsky..

Both Stalin and Trotsky coldly plotted a mass crime against the poor peasants of their country. 

Stalin did it. 

All this under the pretext of communist collectivization and the war against the Kulaks. Liars both. 

The state collectivization was done with the aim of enslaving the poor peasants to the new exploiters and tyrants, state and party bureaucrats. If the Stalinists and the Trotskyists are real communists, I am the Sultan of Brunei. 


Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

One year after the Russian invasion.

One year after the Russian invasion.

Personal detachment, complete ideological apostasy, not for to I fall into the arms of the right or to the bourgeois liberalism, but to think alone, without any ideological family chain anymore. 

Alone, you and me, opposite.

---

I judge a global political space, a global political subjectivity, based on its first (as a majority within it) immediate reactions to an important international political event.

Today a large part of the global left has slightly corrected its positions on the question of the genocidal attack of the Russian imperialists, but even now there is in its popular base (all over the world) a significant luben current of support for Russia, and inside the somewhat more intellectual currents in circles of intellectuals and journalists, there is a significant current of critics of the Russian intervention, but most of them in retrospect and without making open self-criticism for their first neutral reactions, and also unfortunately there is a more insidious neutral current in which secret pro-Russians or sick anti-Westerners are hidden, or simply expresses through it the ultimately most reprehensible attitude of the left today, which is however an extension of old ideological and moral sins, which manifests a incredible and vast political cynicism that competes with the right-wing/fascist cynicism.

The global left, as an overall ideological current, was not completely defeated in 1989, with the fall of Stalinism, it is breathing its last breath now, on the ruins of Ukraine. 


Personal note

---

What is left, for me, as a living thing within the so-called movement, is the ruin, but alive as a ruin, of anarchism. 

Of course, I don't declare myself an anarchist, but if there is something that makes sense to put in front of me in order to judge it and practice polemics against it or to convince me, that is anarchism.

Besides, in my humble opinion, the deepest core of radical movements in the modern era is the anarchist ideological core. 

In the light of this core and in the light of the possible criticism we will bring to it, we will also see the "left" phenomenon. 

With the left, I will not talk in essence again, as we would commonly say. 

I don't talk truly to them anymore. 

I talk to everyone, but I will only talk to the leftists and to the right-fascists only as a complete stranger. 

I tell them clearly. To me they are strangers forever.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

The Charter movement

The Charter movement is better than the right-wing movement of superficially pro-Western followers of the would-be Shah, but it is a movement that does not raise the issue of multi-ethnic democratic representation of the multi-ethnic Iranian people, through a "body" of directly and freely elected representatives, as a direct revolutionary demand.

The Iranian people expect democracy and what do the opposition offer them?

Bonapartist monarchical pseudo-liberalism of the Right and radical semi-democracy of the Left, without either of them talking about a freely elected constitutional "body" of power.

The impasse theirs, of the right and the left Iranians.

----

Το κίνημα τής Χάρτας είναι καλύτερο από το δεξιό κίνημα των επιφανειακα φιλοδυτικών, ακόλουθων τού επίδοξου Σάχη, όμως είναι ένα κίνημα που δεν θέτει το ζήτημα για πολυεθνική δημοκρατική αντιπροσώπευση τού πολυεθνικού ιρανικού λαού, μέσω ενός σώματος άμεσα εκλεγμένων αντιπροσώπων, ως άμεσο επαναστατικό αίτημα.

Ο Ιρανικός λαός περιμένει δημοκρατία και τι του προσφέρουν οι τής αντιπολίτευσης;

Βοναπαρτιστικο μοναρχικό ψευτο-φιλελευθερισμό οι Δεξιοί και κοινωνικό δημοκρατισμό οι αριστεροί, χωρίς κανένας από τους δύο να μιλά για ελεύθερα εκλεγμένο συντακτικό σώμα εξουσίας.

Το αδιέξοδο δικό τους, των δεξιών και των αριστερών Ιρανών.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος


Τρίτη 21 Φεβρουαρίου 2023

Kind of comical..

Kind of comical.

Separate grassroots movements sometimes want a useful transient relationship with the enemy of their enemy (who, transient lover, is not the best dude), but they receive criticism from other grassroots movements who do the same thing, but with the dude who is the enemy of the other dude (the dude who is in a temporary romantic relationship with the criticized).

The criticized's answer is that everyone does the same.

However, when the criticized comes to the position of the criticize, he does not say the same thing as what he said when he was criticized! He also says what his critics used to tell him.

We are all hypocrites, that's what I have to say.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

Δευτέρα 20 Φεβρουαρίου 2023

The situation on the political stage of Iran's wider perceived opposition

The "Charter of Minimum Demands" presented by a multitude of trade union and social organizations in Iran, is a positive democratic step to create a broader democratic unity of leftist and progressive forces against the theocratic regime. 

However, it does not suggest the question of creating a constitutive constitutional assembly of freely elected representatives. 

In this sense the whole text is incomplete. 

On the other hand, the most sectarian, extreme Leninists, etc., who judge this Charter negatively, don't also raise the question of a freely elected democratic governing body of Iran, building this their inability to propose the correct no on the shyness of the left-wing democrats who drafted the Charter, but on their incurable sectarianism. 

The Iranian left is entrenched in an ideological system that promotes the shyness of democratic initiative or the sectarianism. 

However, the source of shy action is also sectarianism. n

The authors of the text of the Charter are also influenced by a dogmatic type of neo-Marxism that may seem satisfactory to the movement in the West as a neo-leftism that coexists normally with a mature bourgeois democracy, but this dogmatism does not meet the needs of a movement that has as its historical task also modern democracy.

---------

The situation on the political stage of Iran's wider perceived opposition is further complicated by the strange reappearance of a top security guard and torturer of the Shah's old regime at a demonstration. 

It is generally considered that this appearance had a symbolic character and sent messages from the monarchists and the would-be Shah himself, but to whom? 

Was the would-be Shah aware of this strange reappearance? 

Was it done with his approval? 

Could it be that an essentially insignificant event, was exploited by the Russian Putinist and Iranian theocratic propaganda machines to create a complete alienation between the secular right/extreme right and the rest of the (left, democratic, centrist) wing of the Iranian opposition?

For 2 years, but also now, since the beginning of the new movement in Iran, I have said that there is a special propagandistic collaboration between Russian Putinists and Iranian theocrats so that, when there is appearance of far-right elements "next to" the Iranian movement, to become "useful objects" of propaganda campaign to slandering the whole movement. I can prove this that I have predicted this and I have said this. I asked the Iranian friends in Left to keep calm, but I see that if there is a theocratic and Russian trap, they are already trapped. Does what I say mean that the royalists are justified? No. 

Does this mean that surely the would-be Shah has also fallen prey to a provocation trap? No. The Shah and his followers, as well as the semi-liberal circles around the Shah, have shown that they have clear Bonapartist authoritarian aspirations, since they do not openly talk about a representative parliamentary sovereign democratic system. Neither did the would-be Shah separate himself from his father's crimes, nor did he separate himself from the torturers of Savak.

---

There is no political scene as complex as the Iranian one. 

Vertigo of multiple contrasts forming a maze of possibilities.

To say my stereotype, Iran is the land of multiple mirrors.

I hope the left and the centrist forces succeed, that's all I can say.

---

The revolution is in the streets, it is not "begging for something from the West" but also it does not keep equal distances between "Eurasia" and the West. 

Because whoever keeps these equal "anti-imperialist" distances, ultimately does not keep real equal distances, it doing the favour of "Eurasia", i.e. Eurasianism.

Why is he doing that? because of ideological virginity?

I hope that's it, and that he doesn't harbor hopes of future alliances with the emerging Hitlers of the East.

--

I read, but I hope it is a rumour, that the European Parliament has invited as a speaker the would-be, and probably far-right, Shah.

See now what is the difference, for example, between the USA and the European Union.

The Americans (capitalist-imperialists) support whoever it is convenient for them to support, without being so strict in their bourgeois ideological preferences, and without raising their ideological stature until they become the judges of the universe, without on the other hand avoiding their own messianic or other bad moralisms.

In the Iran issue there has been support for the would-be Shah, also for the People's Mujahideen (MEK), which was founded as a left-wing Islamic anti-imperialist organization that killed American agents and ended up, after an unacceptable alliance with Saddam Hussein, having a strategic relationship of support from circles of the US Republican party (no offense to them by me).

Also the US has generally helped others, centrists, groups and personalities, and as a western country has certainly offered political asylum and a well-meaning hospitality and acceptance to many known and unknown Iranians and Kurds.

In general, the USA plays with everyone and everything, and of course as a superpower it also plays games with the theocratic elite, especially the so-called reformers.

Behind and beside everything, of course, there is a continuous economic game of capital, legal or semi-legal or illegal activities, the well-known of capitalism.

What is Europe doing? (we mean the European Union).

Similar things, almost the same, but by adding we would say that there is help from state and European institutions and civil societies not exclusively to the Iranian and Kurdish leftists, but nevertheless the Iranian and Kurdish leftists feel perhaps in the territory of the European Union somewhat like at home.

All good so far.

And so a moment comes the European Union, this undefined Thing, and after supporting the Iranian democrats, in general the anti-establishment ones, says in its broadest "wisdom" the irresistible, and finally unaccountable, "maybe we should call prince (would-be Shah), to his make a speech in the European Parliament?".

These people, if this invitation is valid and it is not a rumor, they are idiots, they are dumb, they are stupid lobbyists, scumbags, small-minded people.

They commit the politics and the name of Europe and its citizens to the promotion of a successor of a bloodthirsty regime, who indeed does not guarantee a smooth democratic transition from a theocratic regime to a parliamentary democracy, but plays with all possible bonapartist semi-dictatorial semi-fascist scenarios succession of regime from another regime.

There was a networking of the monarchists and the so-called experts of the European institutions, who fell like a ripe fruit, something like the "unfortunate" Greek MEP?

I hope the information I am conveying to you is not valid.

But when one looks at and compares European with American and British bourgeois politics, one sees the difference in the level of power, seriousness, coherence and simultaneous multiplicity in strategic thinking and action between the two main pillars of the West's international dominance.

The bastions of the West are not, therefore, the carnivals of the European Union, they are the USA, NATO and Great Britain.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

Κυριακή 19 Φεβρουαρίου 2023

Very general conclusion.

It is known that Khomeini returned to Iran to take power on an Air France plane, we also know that he was playing games with both French capital and American capital to prevent the rise of leftist and communist forces after the imminent fall of the Shah.
At that time the West believed, rightly if one looks at it cynically, that such a rise would benefit the Soviet Union.
All of these correctly reflect some aspects of the rise of theocrats to power, but on the other hand, through this narrative, when it is absolutized, we forget the equally important other side of the political and economic reality that was signaled and recommended by this triumphant return of the dark Imam in "his" unfortunate country.
The maneuvering of the West and the naivety of its pragmatistic anti-Soviet cynicism did not leave it unscathed in the end, when it was revealed that the dark Imam and his faction did indeed aim, and succeeded, at creating a harsh dark and reactionary capitalist theocratic regime which indeed it was independent and hostile towards the Western world and Western imperialism.
Iranian leftists will of course object to this fact saying that this regime continued to have capitalist dealings with Western capitalists, etc.
But this does not negate the aforementioned.
We should not judge the Iranian theocrats from an assumed "common value" that consist of opposition to Western imperialism, as if they abandoning it because they are not consistent with the "untouchable" that this supposed value means.
If we do this, it will be as if we are assuming that indeed the opposition in the West and also in imperialism in general should be intrinsically good and benevolent, the "Indeed Good", which these Islamists supposedly betray with their parallel dealings with the "Western Enemy".
The very leftist criticism against the Iranian theocrats on the basis of (usually always) ontological anti-imperialism does not reveal their supposed inconsistency but our possible involvement with a dangerous politically metaphysical ideology called "anti-imperialism".
--
 
Very general conclusion:
Anti-imperialism and anti-colonialism usually means an ideological expression of a capitalist state opposition on the part of the weaker capitalism and state.
However, the cure from this wrong positioning of the problem, which concerns the overcoming of imperialism without this overcoming falling into "anti-imperialism/anti-colonialism", is not a reductionism in the general "anti-capitalism" in a competitive distinction from "anti-imperialism".
Therefore?
What is the medicine for critical theory?
I don't know.
 
Ιωάννης Τζανάκος
 
 
 
 

The imminent democratic revolution..

 
The imminent democratic revolution in Iran has begun, still faintly, and must make way by rapidly and relentlessly breaking through the jungle of theocrats and Bonapartists, monarchists and sectarian Leninists, which surrounds it from its first moment.
To revolution, put aside all the Bonapartist delusionalists who think that the history of the abuse of the democratic and socialist ideal can be repeat forever.
---
The great democratic revolution in Russia is not called the "October revolution", ''October'' was the Bonapartist coup of the pseudo-communist Bolsheviks, which overthrew the democratic revolution and established from the first moment a state-capitalist totalitarian system of exploitation of the working class, extermination of the middle class and the poor peasantry, prohibition of free political activity, prohibition of the freedom of intellectuals, and had as its ideological culmination, as a Bonapartist coup, the calumniation (for centuries) of the sacred idea of a classless socialist society.
 
Ιωάννης Τζανάκος
 
 

Cogitations. February 19, 2022, Facebook.

February 19, 2022
 
When ''the'' dialectic ends in a fiasco, ''it'' accuses the fiasco of being "anti-dialectical".
 
Dialectical philosophers feel no guilt.
Others are always to blame,
or rather the "other".
 
The dialectic of fiasco
is a bigger fiasco.
 
The dialectic after the fiasco does not always call itself dialectical.
Known for ''its'' ability to put on masks.
 
Everything is calm in the dialectical consciousness.
It will find the explanation for fiasco through a dialectic, of course.
 
Ignoring the fiasco is the infamous achievement of these philosophers who declared to their astonished dazzled audience that from now on nothing will be overlooked. 
Oh dialectic of the new glorious times! you did it again! you sanctify in every way the neglect and sophistry that gives its "foundation".  
 
Looking for the right starting point for interpreting thought forms, you run the risk of never interpreting them, you may even avoid a more substantial contact with these forms.
However, there is a valid requirement from this search for the right start, in the sense that in this way - even if it means avoiding "contact" with this "object" - you can express a resistance of yourself to a a specific form of thought or an entire era of thought.
So, basically it is like preventing an alienation of your thought from its already existing beginnings.
When this strange struggle is over, you can now come in contact with the "object - thought form" you wanted to interpret.
So you probably know why you wanted to interpret it and many times you find that you wanted to interpret it because through this interpretation you wanted to get rid of some theological type of bonds and chains that had been imposed on you by the "yours community" as sacred preconceptions.
Now you know that you were actually resisting to something that was for you a "foreign body of thought" and which the leaders of this community had introduced into your "body of thought". 
But why did I say all this? 
What was the reason? 
I said this to confess to you that in fact I always saw Hegelianism as something that did not make sense, even when I was obliged as a Marxist to respect it and to believe that it contained a truth that was valid for my (then) community.
Something was protecting me and I could never go any further. 
Something? Myself. 
 
There is an absolute suspicion that does not necessarily lead to paranoia.
You do not want to believe in assumptions about a redemptive future, no matter how many conditions and guarantees are in front of you.
No, I will not sign any contract, you say, I will not give my consent to any strategic vision and idea, even if its represantives are obviously good and are able to sacrifice their sweet lives to do what they say.
You ask for something more than guarantees and good intentions, you ask for an image of reality that does not mean something so easy, so ideal, so beautiful, that it probably means an unfulfilled wish.
You have no problem with crazy desires and great loves, you have a problem with their bitter cancellations that could have been prevented.
 
When they start looking for you, do not forget to tell them that you have already left.
Tehran is the destination.
 
Between one phrase and another phrase there is another phrase.
What a fuck, fuck them babe!
 
You are hegemonic when the others translate you, before you translate these others.
 
You are hegemonic when you interpret before you are interpreted.
 
In addition to the primary accumulation of Capital there is (in parallel, but not identically) the primary accumulation of Power and Sovereignty, which always takes place as the formation of a separate world-wide sovereign metropolitan pole-world through and beyond the ''individual'' national state powers.
The western world has already been formed as a separate sovereign pole-world, so it has made the primary accumulation in both the economic and the political-military field.
The non-Western world, especially the "east", is still ''finishing'' the incomplete yet primary accumulation of power and sovereignty while it has completed the primary accumulation of capital, although we do not know whether it will end it as a metropolitan accumulation of power and dominance [as a one distinct metropolitan sovereign pole-world].
The primary accumulation of power and sovereignty means, among others (such as the development of nation-states) blood, war, continuous rearrangements of borders and state territories.
It is a dehumanizing process that has ethnic and other minorities as its first victims, as long as the working class maintains a class waiting attitude.
Just because this process contains all these "necessary" dehumanizing socio-historical "stages" as historically "necessary" does not mean that these are "rights" in the case of the emerging capitalist East.
The fact that the West has committed them is not an element of a sin that must be punished, and therefore does not mean that Western societies, and not just their bourgeoisie, have no right to defend themselves to stop this rotten dynamic.
The argument of the post-colonialist ideologues that the West is sinful, and therefore that the fanatics, emerging imperialists, nationalist-fundamentalists of the East also have the right to do what the West did in its beginnings, is a rotten argument.
The ''fact'' that my "grandfather" was probably a Western colonialist, and that the West formed [in the way we know] "itself" as an imperialist supranational international pole, does not mean that we, the new Westerners citizens, we have a moral obligation to tolerate the repetition by the eastern rulers of the crimes committed by this supposed "grandfather" of ours.
There is a historical analogy, and a similar historical ''necessity'' to the formation of a distinct new hegemonic pole, but we are obliged to restrain it and fight it from the point of view of our own national, class and cultural interests.  
 
One can write a dictionary of the demonological categorizations used by Marxists against their ideological enemies inside and outside the left.
These are faithful people who theologize in everything, but have a lie on their forehead that says:
"I am an atheist".
 
The famous cultural revolution of the Maoist Red Guards ushered in a new era of pseudo-Marxist Stalinist paranoia, in which the absence of internal enemies in a ''wannabe'' socialist system was transformed into the production of these enemies within the working classes. 
Of course, this paranoia has always existed in the wider (and not only in the Stalinist) Marxist "camp", in the form of racist anti-petty bourgeoisie ideology. Any internal ideological opponent within the left could be accused of being a petty bourgeois, with no criteria other than some possible "class descent" or a bad habit of reading ''more than normal'' books or wanting to have a personal life that is not completely transparent and entirely dedicated to the struggle. 
Of course the accusers themselves may have had the same intellectual habits, and a well-hidden personal life, but that did not matter, since the very absurdity of the class slander, its non-foundation, is precisely the method by which one can use it in a slander and ultimately legal prosecution, which sometimes resulted it in the execution of individuals or even masses of people.
Until the specific paranoia of Maoism, however, there was no greater systematization of irrationality, the sin of being supposedly a petty bourgeois was confined as an active sin in the phases of "socialist primary accumulation" and in individual persecutions.
With Maoism there was a Puritan radicalization of the theological pseudo-class persecution and all the intellectual sub-classes were directly guilty just because they were intellectuals, regardless of whether some of them were hungry and starving or were made up of workers without property. Are you an intellectual? are you a scientist so you are rather bourgeois or petty bourgeois etc. As long as the class struggle continues so you are also a class enemy. The very doctrine of the continuation of the class struggle within a society that has supposedly abolished class exploitation, even as an early classless society, has this significance: to justify the continuation of state repression within a society in which there is supposedly no class exploitation etc. In order to find these potential exploiters, a new type of paranoid "class theory" must be constructed that exacerbates the already existing anti-petty-bourgeois paranoia of Marxism to the point of absolute paranoia.
It is not difficult to understand that none of these things have anything to do with a real working-class socialism and with the working class itself.
But the problem with the radical sects is bigger, and it is not limited to the Maoists.
There is a broader mentality and ideology that is rooted in the popular movement and infects all its tendencies, rather expressing the historical weakness and immaturity of this movement.
That is why even today, despite the decline of Stalinism-Maoism, we see these ideological and cultural ills continue to exist in ideological "spaces" that are not Stalinist.
 
A basic principle of political immorality is not to accept any strategic mistake of those who formed and then those who implemented a strategic idea. The "others" are always to blame. ''This'' can to call itself "science".
 
There will be a revolution in Iran.
It is as certain as the law of universal gravitation.
 
Ιωάννης Τζανάκος