Όταν έρθει η ώρα..

Η γραμμή τού αριστερού και αντιεξουσιαστικού κινήματος στην Ελλάδα για έναν πιθανό ελληνοτουρκικό πόλεμο είναι ότι θα έχει σαν αίτιο του τον ενδοκαπιταλιστικό ανταγωνισμό για τούς ενεργειακούς πόρους και τις ζώνες επιρροής των μεγάλων ιμπεριαλιστικών καπιταλιστικών δυνάμεων. 

Με αυτή τη γραμμή, την μηχανιστική, την μονομερώς αντιεθνικιστική, με αυτό τον έμμεσο φιλορωσισμό ακόμα και φιλοτουρκισμό, με αυτές τις έμμεσες συμμαχίες με τις ενδοτικές πτέρυγες της ελληνικής άρχουσας τάξης, θα προχωρήσουν λένε στην ριζοσπαστική κοινωνική αλλαγή και ανατροπή. Να ξέρουν κάτι, να το νιώσουν. 

Είναι χειρότεροι από τους καπιταλιστές και τους δεξιούς.

Να το ξέρουν, όταν έρθει η ώρα θα τους διαλύσουμε.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

Ο Παπάρας Άρης..

 

Πήγαινε ρε Άρη να γιάνεις τον έρπη τού «Ηγέτη», κάνε άλλο ένα hastag «μην υπογράφεις» κι άσε το Ιράν στον πόνο του, παπάρα.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

Ντροπή σου Άρη Χατζηστεφάνου.

 

Ο Άρης Χατζηστεφάνου αποδεικνύει αυτό που ισχυρίζομαι: 

Η ελληνική «αριστερά» είναι γλοιώδης σύμμαχος των Ιρανών θεοκρατών Φασιστών.

Ντροπή σου Άρη Χατζηστεφάνου.
Είσαι αριστερός εσύ; 

Στηρίζεις με γλοιώδη τρόπο τούς Ιρανούς Φασίστες Θεοκράτες.
Ντροπή σου.

 

https://sputniknews.gr/20210623/emprahim-raisi-o-neo-mpampoylas-toy-iran-kai-to-endehomeno-polemoy-sti-mesi-anatoli-14502080.html

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

 

 

 

Gonabadi Dervishes Resist Oppression of All Minorities Since Tehran Clashes

 Friday, 25 June 2021 

Maryam Dehkordi

 

Mohammad Salas, a Gonabadi dervish, was executed in Iran on June 18, 2018. Salas was accused of killing three police officers by running them over with a bus during clashes between dervishes and the police in Golestan-e Haftom Street in Tehran in February 2018. He asserted his innocence in court saying he was forced to confess under torture.

Three years later, Gonabadi dervishes from different parts of Iran visited the tomb of Salas in Boroujerd to commemorate him. Mostafa Daneshjoo, a judiciary lawyer, posted a video of the ceremony on his Twitter account on June 17, 2021, and wrote: "When Mohammad Salas and many others around the world insisted on his innocence, there was no one who could ensure justice and a fair trial for him."

The incident of Golestan-e Haftam, which took place on February 19, 2018, is one of the bloodiest repressions to have occurred in the last 42 years. The Gonabadi dervish minority had long been known for its tolerance and peaceful behavior.

The clashes erupted after a number of plainclothes agents were deployed around the home of Noor Ali Tabandeh, the grandmaster of the Gonabadi Sufi order. Fearing that security agents were planning to arrest Tabandeh or to put him under house arrest, a group of dervishes surrounded his home to ward off any such attempt. The confrontation soon escalated into violence.

The Iran Human Rights Documentation Center (IHRDC) examined the repressive and discriminatory policies of the Iranian government towards Gonabadi dervishes in a recent report and detailed the persecution they face.

IranWire spoke with Ebrahim Allah Bakhshi, one of the dervishes who was arrested and imprisoned in the case of Golestan-e Haftom.

Ebrahim Allah Bakhshi says the repression of the dervishes has a longer history than the incident of the Golestan-e Haftom: “Dervishes have been oppressed and abused in past decades by the government. As someone whose father and grandfather were also dervishes, I have witnessed and heard first hand accounts of the oppression of dervishes over the years. However, with the growth of social media in the past few years, the new generation of dervishes has more access to the tools that help expose the troubles this oppressed group faces.”

“Prior to the widespread news about oppression of dervishes in Golestan-e Haftom, the extremist government forces were constantly destroying the dervishes' places of worship,” Allah Bakhshi says about the repressions that took place before the Golestan-e Haftom incident. “Dr. Tabandeh and other dervish leaders were always under pressure from the government. Gatherings usually faced obstacles and hosts were always summoned, threatened and arrested. As you know, there has been a lot of pressure in recent years to close or destroy the dervishes' Hosseiniyah, congregation halls for commemoration ceremonies. Hence, dervishes host religious rites in their homes. But even these small gatherings are not tolerated and have always been suppressed."

Beginning of the Collision: The First Days of Islamic Republic

Pointing out that repressing the dervishes was on the government's agenda from the first year of the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Allah Bakhshi says: “The first major clash happened in November 1979. Amir Soleimani Hosseiniyah in Behesht Street in Tehran was set on fire and destroyed. At the same time, extremists destroyed the tomb of one of the leaders of Gonabadi dervishes in Shahr-e-Rey. Two years later, by the order of the then Supreme Leader of Iran, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, permission was issued to rebuild the Amir Soleimani Hosseiniyah, and official letters were issued stating that the dervishes should be safe and secure. But this was the beginning of a systematic repression of the dervishes, and every few years the intimidation and repression of the dervishes intensified."

Allah Bakhshi is referring to Ayatollah Khomeini's letter to Mohammad Mohammadi Gilani, the head of the Central Islamic Revolutionary Courts. According to the report by the Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, the letter stated that the grandmaster of the Gonabadi dervishes could travel across the country, hold meetings, and that any interference in his affairs would be considered a serious crime and would be punished.

It Gets Worse During Khamenei's Leadership

After the death of Ruhollah Khomeini and the coming to power of Ali Khamenei, the intensity of oppression against the dervishes increased.

Allah Bakhshi says: "During the 80s and 90s, dervishes experienced all kinds of repressions. Destruction and burning of the Shariat Hosseiniyah in Qom by extremist agents of the government in 2006 was followed by the arrest of hundreds of Gonabadi dervishes, including my father, who had gone to protect the Hosseiniyah. Their trial was not fair and they received long sentences. This led the dervishes to consider setting up an independent media outlet to report on the atrocities against them. They established the Majzooban-e Noor news agency, which has since covered all the news about the dervishes."

Five years later, in September 2011, another bloody clash took place between Basij agents and Gonabadi dervishes in a small town called Kavar in Fars province. But this time, the Majzooban-e Noor agency media exposed the clash.

A few weeks before the clashes, pro-government extremists inspected the homes of dervishes without official orders while shouting “Down to American dervishes”. They also distributed pamphlets, wrote insulting slogans on the walls, and attacked the dervishes' businesses. Allah Bakhshi says: "I thought nothing worse could happen. But we witnessed something even more horrible in Golestan-e Haftom. I mentioned Mohammad Salas, Behnam Mahjoubi and Mohammad Raji. Let me also mention Vahid Banai, who was shot dead by security forces during the clashes in Kavar, and his killer, who according to witnesses, was one of the police officers, was never prosecuted."

The report by the Iran Human Rights Documentation Center indicates that the Islamic Republic violated its own laws, as well as its international human rights obligations to the religious minority of the Gonabadi dervishes. The Iranian government has repeatedly vandalized dervishes' shrines, confiscated their property, and suppressed their peaceful protests.

Why does the Islamic Republic Suppress the Dervishes?

Gonabadi dervishes are Shia Muslims. The IHRDC report says Sufism has a long history in Iran but the root of the dispute between the government and dervishes is one of fundamental ideological differences. Most importantly, dervishes do not accept the concept of velayat-e faqih, or the guardianship of the Islamic jurist, the basis for the authority of Iran’s Supreme Leader over the Iranian government and people. Dervishes refuse to obey an Islamic jurist and, unlike other Shia Mulisms, do not pay Islamic taxes. But if they have funds then they pay it to their dervish grandmaster.

According to the IHRDC report, the guardianship of the Islamic jurist is based on the interpretation of Islamic principles regarding the conformity of one person to the teachings of another; this is something dervishes do not accept. In his attempt to overthrow the Shah, Ayatollah Khomeini introduced a new philosophy in this area. According to him, during the absence of the Mahdi, the Twelfth Shia Imam, whose return Shia Muslim await, a righteous jurist has custodianship over Shia Muslims. But dervishes did not submit to this philosophy. In the 1980s, Dr. Noor Ali Tabandeh published an article rejecting the guardianship of the Islamic jurist in a magazine published by the Association for Defense of Freedom and the Sovereignty of the Iranian Nation.

"The leaders of the dervishes never interfere in the social and political affairs of the dervishes," says Allah Bakhshi. “Despite being political, Mr. Tabandeh never asked dervishes to take any particular political stance, with the exception of one case in 2009, in which he advised dervishes to support Mr. Karroubi [in presidential elections]. Even then, it was just advice, not a direct request. The reason was that Mr. Karroubi had supported the dervishes in the crises that had occurred in previous years."

Allah Bakhshi also says the dervishes have faced their challenges with unity: "The Islamic Republic knows that the dervishes have always stood together. They consider each other as religious brothers and sisters, and if there is a problem, they stand together because of this belief. In all these years, the ruling regime has tried to destroy their solidarity by trying to sow division. After the Golestan-e Haftom incident, they succeeded to some extent. But now, three years later, we see that even the dervishes who are in exile are attending anniversary commemorations of Mohammad Salas’s death. Everyone cares and asks about each other. They have not left the families of Mohammad Raji and Behnam Mahjoubi alone. It means that those efforts [of the authorities] have failed."

"We can call the younger dervishes warrior dervishes,” Allah Bakhshi says about the rise of the young generation. “The new generation is not just those who are born to dervish families. Many became interested and joined after the Golestan-e Haftom incident. The new generation not only pays attention to tolerance, which is recommended among these like-minded people, but is also concerned with problems of other minority groups. We tried to make things better for everyone in prison. Right now, dervishes in exile in the most deprived cities are doing positive things. Today, it is no longer just a matter of arresting or harassing dervishes. We use the small voice we have to reflect the problems of all minorities, and this is what ideological politicians are afraid of."

Related coverage:

Torture and Medical Negligence Led to Prisoner’s Death

Sketches from Inside an Iranian Prison

200 Dervishes Remain in Prison

Gonabadi Sufi Dies in Prison

The Sufi Case: From 2014’s Civil Resistance to 2018’s Violent Clashes

Clashes Between Police and Sufis Leave Five Dead

 

YJA-Star commander Koçgiri: The Third World War is decided in Kurdistan

 

 

Πηγή:

YJA-Star commander Koçgiri: The Third World War is decided in Kurdistan

Since 23 April, the Turkish army has been trying with all its capabilities to capture the areas of Zap, Avashîn and Metîna in South Kurdistan.

Pelşin Koçgiri, one of the commanders of the female guerrilla YJA-Star, speaks about the strategic offensive on Medya TV.

She said: “Indeed, the final phase of World War III is currently taking place in the Medya Defense Areas. The center of the war is Kurdistan anyway and this world war started with the plot against Rêber Apo [Abdullah Öcalan]. We have renewed ourselves as guerrillas in this process. We have adapted to the new era, developed new structures and equipped ourselves in such a way that we can survive a high-tech war. That is the real danger that the enemy perceives, which is why it first tried to get rid of us. As always, Turkey takes on the role of the policeman of the international powers."

"With its dogmatic logic, the Turkish state did not understand the situation"

Commander Koçgiri continued: “This war has been going on in an incomparable way for 40 years and the guerrilla spirit has always won. This 40-year war has shown that there is nothing the guerrillas cannot do. The state, shaped by a strictly dogmatic logic, is not in a position to grasp this. It trusts the technology it got from NATO and believes that this will get it out of the situation. But the state hadn't a clue about the strength of the newly structured guerrillas.”

"We have the power to vaccinate the whole world with hope"

Commander Koçgiri added: “I think the enemies have understood this in the last two months. The technological equipment was handed over to the Turkish state by NATO a long time ago and it has started to try it out. So we were always looking for ways to respond more effectively and keep the guerrilla war going. As PKK guerrillas, we are not limited to Kurdistan. Our philosophy and ideology are not limited to ourselves, we are a force that speaks to the whole world and inoculates the whole world with hope. We have learned a lot from our sacrifices and renewed ourselves at every new phase. We've changed the way we move and position ourselves. The consequences of this can be clearly seen in the results of the last two months and will become even more clearly visible."

"They have shown their failure by using chemical weapons"

Regarding the resistance in areas like Mamreşo, the YJA-Star commander pointed out that the Turkish army was forced to use chemical weapons because it was not being able to fight the guerrilla resistance. This is actually an admission of defeat, said the commander, adding: “In fact, every person who knows anything about war can see that the Turkish state has been defeated. To besiege a place with hundreds of soldiers and not be able to break the determination of these people and get results is a show of desperation. The use of chemical weapons is nothing more than an admission of defeat. Until the last moment we were in contact with the comrades and the last thing we heard was that chemical weapons were being used."

The strength of women guerrillas

Commander Pelşin Koçgiri said that the resistance is not limited to Mamreşo but is taking place in many areas.

She emphasized that women in particular have a special role to play and gave concrete examples of the strength of women from the guerrilla. She said: “The level that we have reached as guerrilla fighters has been evident during the invasion. A really tremendous force was unleashed, both in waging war, in the context of restructuring, in the implementation of the relevant discipline and in the extent of the resistance.”

Among many other examples, she cited the fallen comrades Ronahî and Melsa from the Cîlo yê Biçûk area.

"Final War of Women's Liberation"

The YJA Star Commander explained the importance of this war: “Currently, the history of women and the history of Kurdistan are very similar. Just as all patriarchal men are united against women, all system forces are united against Kurdistan. These attacks are the rape culture's final offensive. The Kurdistan region is exposed to rape. Rape is the most extreme form of violence against a woman's soul, emotions and body, and Kurdistan is also being raped. In the face of this attempted rape, there are three options: you remain silent, you participate and are complicit in the rape, or you fight against it. In this phase everyone has to determine their own position."

 

Ο αρλούμπας δεξιούμπας Μουμτζής

 

Οι υπάλληλοι τού ΕΦΚΑ Πειραιά, έκαναν κατάληψη στην υπηρεσία γιατί είναι χωρίς κλιματισμό επί 10 μέρες, και ο άθλιος τενεκές φιλελεύθερος αρλούμπας Μουμτζής είπε λίγο ως πολύ «καλά να πάθουν» για να δούνε τι τραβάνε και οι άλλοι. 

Μιλάμε για φοβερό φιλελεύθερο επιχείρημα.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

 

 

Kî ne Em?

Awazê Çiya - Gurbetellî

Κοινωνική θεωρία και επιστήμη.

Υπάρχει επιστημονική κοινότητα στις λεγόμενες κοινωνικές επιστήμες; 

Δεν υπάρχει τέτοια κοινότητα, απλά διότι οι κοινωνικές θεωρητικές σπουδές δεν έχουν συγκροτηθεί σε επιστήμες, χωρίς να γνωρίζουμε αν θα υπάρξει ποτέ αυτού του τύπου η συγκρότηση (σε αυτές). 

Αυτό που λέμε δεν σημαίνει ούτε υποτίμηση εν γένει αυτής της θεωρητικής δραστηριότητας ούτε υπερτίμηση.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

Εφιαλτική πολικότητα..

Η αντιπαράθεση ΣΥΡΙΖΑ ΝΔ στα ταυτοτικά ζητήματα κάνει την ΝΔ αντιπαθητικότερη, εφόσον εντός της φωλιάζουν (σε θέσεις ισχύος και κύρους) ξεκάθαροι πατριάρχες φασίστες, αλλά σαν συνολική εικόνα είναι η εικόνα ενός εφιαλτικού κόσμου απαρτισμένου από εφιαλτικούς αντιτιθέμενους.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

 

Ebrahim Raeesi's Victory Signals Darker Days Ahead for Iran (Maziar Bahari)

 

The following is the content of IranWire’s extraordinary newsletter issued on Saturday, June 19. You can read all our recent, detailed coverage of president-elect Ebrahim Raeesi’s judicial career to date, and analysis of his future prospects, via the links below.

Iranians the world over woke up this morning to the actualization of an already near-universally acknowledged truth: the eighth president of Iran is Ebrahim Raeesi. State TV studios bedecked with flowers, revolutionary pop music and attempts to imbue Friday’s “election” with a party atmosphere accompanied a tepid vote which, ultimately, will see the inauguration in August of a lifelong regime crony whose hands are soaked in blood. 

The polls closed at 2am last night, extended from 11pm in a bid to mitigate the dreadful turnout. Eight hours into the count, all three of Raeesi’s rivals had conceded defeat – even the quasi-reformist Abdolnasser Hemmati, who had earlier insisted he would wait until the final result was declared. In the end, about 30 million people are thought to have cast a vote in a day marked by empty polling stations, technical setbacks, allegations of ballot-stuffing and widespread ennui. 

This is a wretched morning for Iran and Iranians. For the next four years the chief executive and global face of my beautiful country is going to be a stone-cold killer, devoid of grace or ingenuity, and a willing tool of Iran’s unelected deep state. Apart from being liable for crimes against humanity – which he does not even deny – Raeesi is sanctioned by both the European Union and the United States. He's subject to travel bans, making official visits to dozens of progressive states impossible, and smothering any hope of bilateral relations with democracies during his tenure. The best the new president can hope for is the odd macabre photo opp in such countries as Russia, China, Venezuela and Syria. 

Friday’s vote also laid bare the deep, now possibly untenable divisions in 21^st century Iranian society. Tens of millions of ordinary citizens opted to stay at home, out of apathy or disgust.  The families of victims of state-sponsored slaughter, from 1988 to November 2019, begged people to take part in the boycott. Fights broke out at polling stations across Europe and the US while the most febrile atmosphere was found on social media, not in the streets of Iran. 

Despite the evidence before their eyes, tens of millions of other Iranians were either genuinely happy – or felt in some way forced – to take part in the masquerade. Apart from ushering a mass murderer into Iran’s top executive role, according to the exhortations of Ayatollah Khamenei, the vote will serve to “legitimize” a retrograde, cruel and backward regime into the mid-2020s.  

Raeesi’s tenure as president, resting as it does on his decades of human rights abuses in the judiciary, will negatively impact every aspect of public life in Iran. Books will go unpublished, women’s voices will be stifled, minorities will be persecuted, and people will continue to be tortured and executed for not cleaving to the Islamic Republic’s arcane official line. The prospect is difficult to stomach. And indeed, it's hard to imagine that the growing number of educated, pro-democracy Iranians will remain silent about this. We could well see a repeat of the November 2019 protests - perhaps even several times over - in the four years to come.

Election 2021: Raeesi Wins; "Invalid" Votes Come Second
Preliminary results of the 2021 presidential election in Iran showed Ebrahim Raeesi leading with at least 17.8 million votes out of 28.6 million so-far verified votes.

Ebrahim Raeesi: The Case for the Prosecution
Iran's next president Ebrahim Raeesi had a decisive role in the 1988 massacre of political dissidents in Iran. Could he be prosecuted for his part in this international crime?

Ebrahim Raeesi: Leadership Hopeful's Key Role in Brutalizing Dissidents in the 2000s
During his first five years as first deputy of the judiciary, Raeesi and his colleagues presided over a welter of human rights violations in the 2000s.

Ebrahim Raeesi: The 1990s Exploits of "Ayatollah Massacre"
The years 1988 to 1994 witnessed the stratospheric rise of Ebrahim Raeesi from middling to senior member of the Iranian judiciary, including sitting on Ayatollah Khomeini's death panel which sent thousands of political prisoners to their deaths in 1988.

Ebrahim Raeesi: The Bloodstained Early Years
This report examines some of the more under-reported details of Ebrahim Raeesi's life and career to date, from birth in a famous district of Mashhad to becoming a member of Ayatollah Khomeini’s infamous death panel.

Ebrahim Raeesi: The Hanging Judge Set to Become Iran's Next President
Where did Ebrahim Raeesi come from, and what is his political record to date? IranWire examines the long, grim trajectory of Iran’s likely next president.

Reality Check: Ebrahim Raeesi's Record in Fighting Corruption
Ebrahim Raeesi served as the judiciary’s first deputy for 10 years, then worked for another 10 as head of the General Inspection Office. In this time, he presided over a system that became institutionally corrupt and was inefficient at fighting corruption.

Ebrahim Raeesi’s Presidential Candidacy: A Gamble on Succeeding Khamenei
Chief justice Ebrahim Raeesi has registered as a candidate in the upcoming presidential election, but it’s a big gamble that may also cost him the chance to succeed Khamenei as Supreme Leader.

Raeesi’s Crimes Against Humanity Will Haunt his Presidency
Ebrahim Raeesi, Iran's next president, is directly implicated in the extrajudicial killings of thousands of people in summer 1988. From an international legal perspective, he could easily stand accused of crimes against humanity.

 

Όχι τώρα, χθες..

 

Απόλυση Τώρα, τού ακροδεξιού Μπαλάσκα.

Έρευνα Τώρα, για τον ρόλο των αστυνομικών «συνδικαλιστών» στην διενέργεια των αστυνομικών ερευνών, και εξέταση τού «γιατί» έχουν παρανόμως, ατύπως, αναρμοδίως, μαφιόζικα, άμεση πρόσβαση στις (υποτίθεται) μυστικές αστυνομικές έρευνες εξιχνίασης ποινικών αδικημάτων και κακουργημάτων. 

Αυτή η έρευνα να «απλωθεί» και στο χρονικό διάστημα που είναι η ΝΔ στην εξουσία και στο χρονικό διάστημα που ήταν ο Σύριζα στην εξουσία.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

 

 

Τουρκικό Κράτος.

Το τουρκικό κράτος στοχεύει στην κατάληψη τού Şengal, όπου τελέστηκαν τα μαζικά εγκλήματα από το ISIS εναντίον των κουρδογενών Γεζίντι, με την υποστήριξη του. 

Αυτό σημαίνει Φασίστες με θράσος. 

Βοηθάνε μια γενοκτονία (μαζικές εκτελέσεις, μαζικοί βιασμοί, μαζικοί εξισλαμισμοί), στηρίζουν τον γενοκτονικό μηχανισμό τού ISIS (υπάρχουν αποδείξεις τής βοήθειας τής ΜΙΤ στο ISIS, ο αρχηγός του εκτελέστηκε από τις Η.Π.Α, όντας κρυμμένος σε ένα καταφύγιο ακριβώς δίπλα στα συριοτουρκικά σύνορα, τι κάνει «νιάου νιάου στα κεραμίδια»), και όταν αυτός ο μηχανισμός χάνει τον πόλεμο, θέτουν σαν στόχο την άμεση κατάληψη από μέρους τους τού επίκεντρου τής εθνοτικής ομάδας των Γεζίντι, όπου έγινε η γενοκτονία.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

----

 

Εν ψυχρώ δημόσια δολοφονία στην Σμύρνη, μέλους τού φιλοκουρδικού αριστερού κόμματος, από γνωστό παρακρατικό γκρίζο λύκο.

Δημοσίευση από: 

Εθνική Επιτροπή Δικαίωσης Αρμενίων  ·

Δολοφονική επίθεση ομάδας παρακρατικών στα γραφεία του φιλοδημοκρατικού Κόμματος των Λαών (HDP) στη Σμύρνη, είχε ως φρικτό αποτέλεσμα τη δολοφονία της Deniz Poyraz, μέλους και εργαζόμενης του Κόμματος.

Ο Onur Gencer μέλος των Γκρίζων Λύκων δολοφόνησε εν ψυχρώ την άτυχη γυναίκα.

Μια Διεθνής Κοινότητα συνεχίζει να σιωπά στα εγκλήματα των Τούρκων και οι Γκρίζοι Λύκοι αλωνίζουν με τον Σουλτάνο υποστηρικτή τους!

#DenizPoyraz

 

Μικρή διαδήλωση Κούρδων στην Αθήνα για όλα αυτά, με ελάχιστη συμμετοχή Ελλήνων (κυρίως από τον αναρχικό χώρο).

Δεν είναι Παλαιστίνιοι, είναι Κούρδοι και ειδικά Γεζίντι τα θύματα και τα υποψήφια θύματα.

Οι Έλληνες σοσιαλφασίστες και ειδικά αντιιμπεριαλιστές σοσιαλφασίστες, κινητοποιούνται πιο εύκολα αν το «θέμα» είναι οι «κακοί» «Σιωνιστές».

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

 

Freiheit der Frauen in Shengal/ Sinjar - Feminicide is a crime against humanity (EN/FR/GE)

Guerrillas perform Sophocles’ ‘Antigone’ amid Turkish air strikes

An adaptation of Sophocles’ “Antigone” was performed by a guerrilla theatre group in the mountains amid Turkish air strike.

 

 

Sanoya Ciya is a theatre group in mountainous region of Southern Kurdistan under PKK control. 

All of its members are guerrillas and they perform in front of fellow guerrillas who fight against Turkey’s dictatorship and ISIS terror.

The group took Sophocles’ “Antigone” and adapted it to 19th century Kurdistan. 

The play was translated into Kurdish by Kurde Tavya, a member of the group, and the guerrillas showed a collective effort to create an adaptation. 

The play is directed by Ekin Roni.

Antigone was performed twice by Sanoya Ciya amid Turkish airstrikes. 

The play got very positive responses from the guerrillas and received standing ovations.

The group plans to perform the play to different guerrilla audiences.

THE TRAGEDY OF KURDISTAN

The adaptation of “Antigone” is called “Kurdistan” and reflects Kurdish women’s freedom struggle, a strong criticism of patriarchal society, patriotism and sociality. 

The group says as “Antigone” is the first play in history about resistance, civil disobedience and natural law, it was a perfect fit to reflect the social struggle in Kurdistan.

“Antigone” is a tragedy by the ancient Greek playwright Sophocles, written around 442 BCE. 

Although it was written before Sophocles’ other two Theban plays, chronologically it comes after the stories in “Oedipus the King” and “Oedipus at Colonus”, and it picks up where Aeschylus' play “Seven Against Thebes” ends. 

It deals with Antigone’s burial of her brother Polynices (Polyneices), in defiance of the laws of Creon and the state, and the tragic repercussions of her act of civil disobedience.

Οι «άντρες» έχουν ΠΡΟΒΛΗΜΑ.

 

Θυμάστε τι λέγαμε για την απελευθέρωση των Γυναικών;
Την έφαγε την κοπέλα ο Σύζυγος.
Οι «άντρες» έχουν ΠΡΟΒΛΗΜΑ.

 

Ένοπλη Αυτονομία των Γυναικών!

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

Η εργατική τάξη πέρα από τον «θαυμαστό κόσμο» τής «επαναστατικής μπροσούρας»..

 

Εμπειρικός εργατισμός, ενάντια στον καθαρό a priori εργατισμό των διανοουμένων «απελευθερωτών».

 

Τι να μου κάνει ο «μαρξισμός»; 

Δεν μου αρέσουν οι κολακείες. 

Ο κύριος Κώστας, που έστιβε τον χάλυβα, έφυγε στα 65. 

Δεν υπάρχει πια.

 

Όσους εργάτες ήξερα, στην Δραπετσώνα και στο Πέραμα, όντας μικρό κωλοπαίδι, πέθαναν όλοι, σχετικά νέοι.

 

Αν στην Ελλάδα δεν αγωνιστείς με νύχια και με δόντια να μην παραμείνεις προλετάριος, πεθαίνεις πριν την ώρα σου.

 

Μνήμη: 

Ο πατέρας μου ήταν ηλεκτροσυγκολλητής προλετάριος στην Ελευσίνα. 

Όλοι οι συνάδελφοί του, τους ήξερα όλους, ΠΕΘΑΝΑΝ.

 

Η εργατική τάξη για μένα είναι μια μνήμη που στοιχειώνει, άνθρωποι ακέραιοι που φύγανε σιωπηλά, αδικημένοι.

 

Σημείωση: στον δημόσιο τομέα στην κυριολεξία διαλέγεις αν θα είσαι μικροαστικό παράσιτο ή προλετάριος, δεν υπάρχει μέση οδός.

 

Εν πάση περιπτώσει, χωρίς να θεωρώ την εργατική τάξη μια «ιστορική τάξη» κατά τον μαρξιστικό μεσσιανικό τρόπο, και χωρίς να θέτω επί θεωρητικού τάπητος το ζήτημα τής επανάστασης, κρίνω με βάση θεωρητικο-εμπειρικές και προσωπικές παρατηρήσεις ότι η εργατική τάξη στον λεγόμενο σκληρό βιομηχανικό και «τεχνολογικό» πυρήνα της τείνει προς μιαν ορθολογική θέαση τού κοινωνικού γεγονότος, παρά το γεγονός ότι είναι η πιο βαριά εκμεταλλευόμενη και πρακτικά «ταλαιπωρούμενη» κοινωνική τάξη. 

Όταν μιλάμε για εργατική τάξη, συμπεριλαμβάνοντας και τούς μισθωτούς στις υπηρεσίες, εννοούμε κυρίως την εργαζόμενη πλειονότητα τού ιδιωτικού τομέα και ένα μικρό αλλά δυναμικό μέρος των αυτοαπασχολούμενων που ασχολείται με δημιουργικές αλλά συγκεκριμένα υλικο-τεχνικές εργασίες, χωρίς να έχει στην δούλεψή του άλλους εργαζόμενους. 

Αυτή η ευρύτερη τάξη είναι ο σιωπηλός κριτής τής αστικής κοινωνίας, ο καθοριστικός πολιτικός παράγοντάς της όταν η αστική κοινωνία είναι οργανωμένη δημοκρατικά, ήτοι αστικοδημοκρατικά. 

Στην Ελλάδα αυτή η τάξη εκπροσωπήθηκε μαζικά από το Πασόκ τής πρώτης «ηρωικής» φάσης και εν μέρει από το κΚε. 

Εδώ και περίπου μισό αιώνα είναι σιωπηλή και αντιπροσωπεύεται μέσω των πολυάριθμων μικροαστών, οι οποίοι σε ένα μεγάλο μέρος τους ήταν παλαιότερα εργάτες εργατοϋπάλληλοι οι ίδιοι. 

Η εργατική τάξη, όχι μόνον στην Ελλάδα, ΔΕΝ είναι τυχοδιωκτική τάξη, και αυτό εκφράζεται μερικές φορές μέσω και ενός κοινωνικού συντηρητισμού, ο οποίος όμως δεν συνυφαίνεται πάντα με τον πολιτικό συντηρητισμό, τουναντίον. 

Όταν σε μια κοινωνία, συνήθως κάποιας περιφέρειας τού ιμπεριαλισμού, υπάρχει μεγάλη και ενεργή μάζα μικροαστών, κάθε είδους και κάθε παραγωγικού ή πολιτικού προσανατολισμού (άλλοι βρίσκονται στις παρυφές τής εργατικής τάξης, άλλοι σε οργανική σχέση με το ιδιωτικό Κεφάλαιο), τότε αυτή η αντιπροσώπευση που επιτελείται μέσω αυτών (και άλλων μεταβατικών κοινωνικών στρωμάτων -φοιτητές, ριζοσπαστική νεολαία κ.λπ) αποκτάει παθολογικά χαρακτηριστικά. 

Δεν θα το αναλύσω. 

Κάνω τώρα πρόχειρη, αλλά νομίζω όχι αυθαίρετη ανάλυση. 

Πάντα, όταν υπάρχει μαζικός μικροαστισμός, υπάρχει ο κίνδυνος μιας μορφής αυταρχισμού, όχι απαραίτητα φασιστικού τύπου ή ανοιχτά φασιστικού τύπου.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

Κωμωδία..

Επιτέλους το κατάλαβα. Ζω στη λατίνο περιφέρεια τής δυτικής Μέσης Ανατολής. Επιστρέφουμε επιτέλους στην καθαυτό θεματολογία μας.

Μετά από την υποτροπή μας με τα εδώ κολομβιανά δεδομένα (δεν έχουμε πρόβλημα με τον κολομβιανό λαό, κάθε άλλο), επιστρέφουμε.

Κοίταξε ανατολικά, κοίταξε ανατολικά, ξέχασε τους, τούς εδώ (ξόρκι).

 

Ελλαδίστας Κομπραδόρες Τραβαχαδόρες Κομπανιέρος ΤσιπροΜητσοτακσιόν.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

Ήπιες προτάσεις, επί τού πρακτέου..

 

Επειδή η εξεγερτική λογική έχει θεμελιώδη προβλήματα στην εποχή μας, και ειδικά στην Ελλάδα σε αυτές τις συγκυρίες, κι επειδή οι «αρμόδιοι» σε αυτή την λογική «εδώ» είναι μάλλον ανόητοι σεκταριστές, αυτό δεν σημαίνει ότι η ανοητότερη των ανοήτων ελληνική δεξιά και ακροδεξιά δεν μπορεί να ωθήσει κατά τα άλλα συντηρητικούς εργάτες σε εξέγερση κάποιου είδους (η ελληνική εργατική τάξη είναι μια συντηρητική κοινωνική τάξη εδώ και μισό αιώνα).

Προτείνω ήπιες εξεγερτικές πρακτικές, για να ξεμπλοκάρουν όλοι και όλα, αυτό που λέμε παθητική αντίσταση, αλλά να είναι αντίσταση.

Η δεξιά πρέπει, πάλι, να φύγει. 

Είναι νομοτέλεια σε αυτό τον τόπο να διώχνουμε πάντα μια δεξιά, να την κατεβάζουμε και να την αποκαθηλώνουμε, κι ό,τι θέλει να γίνει ας γίνει.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

Οι δύο ανδροκρατίες..

 

Θρησκεία= η ανδροκρατία των δεξιών.
Διαλεκτική= η ανδροκρατία των «αριστερών».

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος 

 

 

1η Αρχή.

 

Ένοπλος Αγώνας των Γυναικών. 

Ένοπλη αυτονομία των Γυναικών. 

 

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

 

Τεχνική και ηθικο-τεχνική σημείωση για τον λαϊκό πόλεμο.

Η γκουεβαρική πολεμολογία τού foquismo (Foco - Wikipedia) την οποία επεξεργάστηκε θεωρητικά (με την συναίνεση τού Γκουεβάρα) ο Régis Debray, είναι πλήρως αποτυχημένη έως ανόητη. 

Την κουβανική επανάσταση την καθοδήγησε μόνον ο Κάστρο.

Ο λαϊκός πόλεμος μπορεί να γίνει με ορθές πρακτικές, όπως τον «έκανε» ο Μάο, ο Κάστρο, οι Βιετναμέζοι, το ΡΚΚ και άλλοι, αλλά και μέσω μιας υπερ-τρομοκρατικής εκτροπής, αλλά ως λαϊκός πόλεμος όμως, πραγματικός, δια μέσω των τεχνικών τού Γκουζμάν τού Φωτεινού Μονοπατιού. 

Έχουμε λοιπόν να κάνουμε με πραγματικές τεχνικές όπως οι προαναφερόμενες (σε αυτή την παράγραφο), και έχουμε να κάνουμε και με εξωπραγματικές φαντασιώσεις, γκουεβαρικές. 

Όταν έχουμε να επιλέξουμε μεταξύ των πραγματικών τεχνικών λαϊκού πολέμου θέλουμε να επιλέξουμε την ηθικότερη και αποτελεσματικότερη (συνδυασμός), αλλά γνωρίζουμε ότι υπάρχει και η πολιτικά απαράδεκτη (αλλά τεχνικά άρτια επίσης) επιλογή τής υπερ-τρομοκρατικής «τεχνικής» (Γκουζμάν). 

Η επιλογή τού γκουεβαρισμού δεν ανήκει σε καμία από τις παραπάνω επιλογές, απλά διότι δεν υπάρχει ως επιλογή, είναι άνευ ουσίας, είναι μια φαντασίωση. 

Γκουεβαρικό αντάρτικο, πραγματικό, δεν υπήρξε ποτέ, όπως και γκουεβαρικός λαϊκός πόλεμος δεν υπήρξε ποτέ, στην πράξη εννοώ.

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

Σημείο επαναστατικής δημοκρατικής ανάφλεξης.

 

Θα «το» φτιάξουμε.

Μην έχετε καμία αμφιβολία, και προπάντων μην βιάζεστε..ακόμα.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

Ένα μέλλον, ένα πιθανό μέλλον.

Οι Η.Π.Α κάνουν τα γλυκά μάτια στον Σουλτάνο, απειλώντας παρακαλώντας τον να αφήσει τον Τσάρο, και μεις πρέπει να «διευκολύνουμε»;

 

Ο Τσίπρας τι θα έκανε; Τα ίδια. Παίζουμε τις κουμπάρες, αυτό τώρα είναι η ελληνική πολιτική σκηνή.

 

Δεν χρειάζεται να σηκώνεις λάβαρα, αριστεροδεξιέ πατριώτη. 

Πες και κανένα Όχι. Δεν είναι ανάγκη καν να το δημοσιοποιήσεις.

Σιγά μην πεις, δούλε.

 

Δεν φταίω εγώ και άλλοι που δεν μπορούμε να «αγιάσουμε».
Οι εξαρτημένοι μεταπράτες δεν μας αφήνουν.

 

Ο Τσίπρας δουλεύει ψιλό γαζί και τον αριστερό και τον (ακρο)δεξιό εθνικισμό, αλλά θα τον φάει μαύρο φίδι.

 

Τσίπρας και Μητσοτάκης είναι μαζί, κρυφά συνεταιράκια, σε όλες τις παραχωρήσεις προς την Τουρκία.

 

Επειδή δεν υπάρχει περίπτωση εμφάνισης σοβαρού αριστερού εθνικισμού (έστω ως πτυχής σε μια αριστερή πολιτική με αξιώσεις κυβερνητικής κρατικής εξουσίας), επειδή ο αριστερός αντιιμπεριαλισμός δεν αναγνωρίζει το ειδικό πρόβλημα με την Τουρκία, και επειδή οι ακροδεξιοί εθνικιστές είναι προδότες ή τόσο τρελοί παρανοϊκοί που καταλήγουν αντικειμενικά στην προδοσία, δεν υπάρχει ελπίδα αν χρειαστεί στο μέλλον να υπάρξει ένα είδος εθνικισμού ή ειδικού (μη-εθνικιστικού) αντιιμπεριαλισμού απέναντι στην Τουρκία. Είμαστε πραγματικά έρμαια των γεωπολιτικών συμπτώσεων. Ή μήπως όχι;

 

Δώσε το (μισό) Αιγαίο στην Τουρκία, και σου φτιάχνω ΡΚΚ, ή και Φωτεινό Μονοπάτι, στο λεπτό.
Τόσο απλά.

 

Αν χρειαστεί θα το «φτιάξουμε». Γιατί όχι;
Τι μας λείπει; Για αυτό το έχουν το κΚε στο ψυγείο σαν εφεδρεία.
Για να μην το φτιάξουμε.

Κούνια που τους κούναγε.

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

Η ντροπή τού λαού.

 

 

Επειδή είναι ντροπή να είσαι ΝΔ, επειδή είναι ντροπή να είσαι Σύριζα, δεν σημαίνει ότι πρέπει να διαλέξεις ντροπή.

 

 

Ιωάννης Τζανάκος

 

 

KCDK-E: NATO paves the way for new massacres of Kurds

KCDK-E said that "the final declaration of the NATO Leaders Summit aimed at covering up all the crimes committed by Turkish president Erdogan and the genocidal Turkish army and give a green light to further massacres." 

 

In a written statement, the KCDK-E co-presidency stated that the final declaration of the NATO Leaders Summit aimed at covering up all the crimes committed by Turkish president Erdogan and the genocidal Turkish army and give a green light to further massacres.

The statement said: "The result of the NATO Leaders' Summit held in Brussels on Monday, 14 June 2021, paves the way for new massacres, as it is intended to cover up all the crimes committed by dictator Erdogan and the genocidal Turkish army, which threatens the peoples of the Middle East and especially the Kurdish people."

The KCDK-E drew attention to the following: “Turkey, which has put tens of thousands of people in prisons because of their different opinions, where the free will of any dissenting voice is not accepted, where women are exposed to rape and murder by men, and where a large part of the society is left unemployed and starved, has been rewarded with this decision.”

The statement added: “We call on you, the honourable peoples of Europe and the world, seeing the extent of the danger, remembering the human struggle of the Kurdish people against the barbaric ISIS mercenaries, to put an end to this wrong decision of NATO and to fight wars, massacres, genocide and poverty so that peoples can live in freedom and peace on earth wherever they are in the world.

We call on people to act together against dictatorships, wars, hunger and misery, and prevent people from being imprisoned for expressing their free thoughts. A democratic Turkey, a democratic Middle East, a peaceful Europe and the world are our basic desires.

We call on you to support the struggle for democracy so that he can lead a humane and democratic life in Turkey, Kurdistan and the Middle East.”

Background

The NATO final joint communiqué said among other things:

“Syria retains an inventory of short-range ballistic missiles whose range covers parts of NATO’s territory and some of our partners’ territories.  Syria has used these missiles extensively against its own population.  We remain vigilant over missile launches from Syria which could again hit or target Turkey.  We continue to monitor and assess the ballistic missile threat from Syria.

 

The conflict in Syria has entered its eleventh year and continues to have significant consequences on the stability of the region and the security of NATO’s south-eastern border.  We remain concerned and vigilant over its ramifications.  We reiterate our determination to defend NATO territory and borders against any threats and to address challenges emanating from Syria.  […] We call for a nationwide ceasefire and the reauthorisation and expansion of the UN cross-border humanitarian assistance for a period of at least 12 months in order to meet the needs of the Syrian people.  We reiterate our appreciation to our Ally Turkey for hosting millions of Syrian refugees.”